Chapter 8: The Rise and Fall of Yusuf
Muhammad Bhat's ministry
Yusuf Shah ascended the throne for the
second time in A.H. 988 (A.D. 1580), entrusting Muhammad Bhat with the power
and position of the Chief Vizir of his domain. This Muhammad Bhat was a
sagacious and clear-headed man, an excellent conversationalist and was gifted
with a sweet and persuasive tongue; he could enliven his companions with his
brilliant wit and devastating repartees. He was bounteous towards the poor and
[ verses ]
[At this time] five thousand soldiers, who had fled the
battlefield at Sopor and had sought refuge in the city of Kashmir [Srinagar],
were still at large and had not surrendered to Yusuf Shah. Muhammad Mir put it
wittily saying that perhaps five thousand absconding cavalrymen could still
invite them to a battle-feast. Yusuf Shah replied by saying that he was God's
grace for the virtuous and the pure, but God's scourge for the wicked and the
seditious. He declared that he combined in himself wrath and compassion, poison
[ verse ]
Wise men say that the affairs of the world hinge on
statesmanship: it functions as a provost marshal in this material world. For
want of statesmanship, important affairs of the world can end disastrously. If
disciplinary laws are non-existent, affairs of this world will end in disaster.
Without censure and without necessary reprimand, there will be disruption in the
world. No country can exist without a proper system of justice; and yet it will
not look like one without statesmanship. Muhammad Bhat said that prudence
demanded that spies be pressed into service to seek the fleeing soldiers from
their houses or wherever they were hiding and to bring them to book. Secret
agents were sent to several places. Lohar Shah was found hiding in the basement
of the house of Qadi, and Muhammad Khan was found in the house Miran Sayyid
Barkhordar. Both were brought to the presence of Yusuf Shah.
Husi Chak had always boasted of his bravery and valour
on the battlefield, and people in these lands begun to give credence to his
boastful words. But he was so badly mauled by Yusuf Shah on the battlefield that
he could not even manage his escape either to India or to Tibet, though he had
sufficient time at his disposal. He abandoned his horse and hid himself in the
barn of Chamshi Mamosa [sic]. Husi Bhat, the brother of Muhammad Bhat, found him
and brought him to the presence of Yusuf Shah. Finding that he (Husi Chak) was
unable to answer him because of his nervousness, Yusuf Shah was reminded of this
A complete man is one who speaks not, but acts, One who
speaks and acts is but half a man.
He who speaks not and acts not is but a woman And half
the woman is one who speaks but does not act.
Petseh Ganai, a ring leader of the trouble-mongers of
this land, had sought refuge in the house of Yusuf Khan, son of Husain Shah. He
was dragged out and brought before Yusuf Shah who interrogated him. Driven by
his innate vulgarity, this person, who lacked sense, made indiscreet and vain
utterances in the presence of Yusuf Shah. But the latter exhibited self-control,
and did not take any retaliatory action to censure him. One by one, the
remaining troops and villagers, who were among the fleeing group, were brought
out from their hiding places to Yusuf's presence. They were brought together and
he addressed them in person. He enumerated their failings one after another, as
"First, by taking recourse to animosity and
defiance, you totally ignored the path of peace and conciliation and made no
secret of your disloyalty to me. You deserted me and joined hands with Miran
Sayyid Mubarak Shah with the sole purpose of raising the banner of revolt. You
involved the Sayyid in your treason. Secondly, that elderly Sayyid had bestowed
benefactions upon you, but you proved ungrateful to him by indulging in acts of
subterfuge and sabotage. You recalled me from the village of Bartal but
subsequently went back on your commitment, putting me in an embarrassing
situation. Then you aligned yourselves with Lohar Shah and connived at his
accession to the throne. Thirdly, when I sought the help of the imperial army to
re-conquer Kashmir, you sent me flattering letters holding out solemn promises
that henceforth you would neither back out nor defy nor disregard my authority.
Relying on these promises, I left the imperial army and came to this domain. But
then, feigning ignorance, you forgot the promises you had made. Not only that,
you arrayed troops against me. Fourthly, my father was kind and generous to you.
From the depths of lowliness he lifted you to the heights of manliness, and I,
in my own turn, extended the same liberal treatment to you. In fact, I added
something to enhance your prestige. But you proved your ingratitude by
instigating rebellion against me. You have, thus, willfully transgressed the
tenets of the religion of Muhammad and flouted the conventions of the Hanafi
sect, and, not acted in accordance with the Qur'anic commands - be obedient to
God, to the Prophet and to those who command authority over you. You pressed
yourselves into the company of rebels. Therefore, killing you and depriving you
of your property will be in conformity with the sanctions of religion."
On hearing these words of Yusuf Shah, Abdal Bhat almost
lost his speech. Yusuf Shah got the eyes of Lohar Shah, his brother Muhammad
Khan and Husi Chak gouged out and they were, thus, deprived of their
eyesight. Petseh Ganai, Fath Khan Jand [sic] and Husain Kokeh were punished by
amputation of their limbs. Yusuf Lund, Ali Khan Sirigama [sic] and 'Ali Bhat,
the brother of Abdal Bhat, were ordered to pay a certain amount of money as
indemnity usually imposed on prisoners of war. 'Ali Khan, Nawroz Chak and his
son Yusuf Khan, were spared their lives, but were put in prison. The rest of the
soldiers and the villagers were pardoned and were reinstated in their jagirs as
Conciliation with Miran Sayyid
After dealing with the situation in a manner described
above, Yusuf Shah decided to call on Miran Sayyid Mubarak. In order to
strengthen his regime, he concluded matrimonial alliance with that house by
giving his daughter in marriage to Miran Sayyid's grandson. After this, he ruled
without any worry and anxiety. There was a revival of his cordial and
affectionate relations with Miran Sayyid's house and frequent visits to the
Sayyid's house strengthened these bonds. He also occasionally invited Miran
Sayyid to his palace.
Yusuf Shah was gifted with a beautiful and graceful
body and disposition. He was well versed in music and Hindi, Kashmiri and
Persian poetry. His compositions were popular with the lovers of music. His
Hindi, Kashmiri and Persian verses were well-known in Hindustan and Kashmir and
often quoted by the erudite and the poets. Of his Persian compositions, we quote
one verse in this chronicle. He spent most of his time in physical and
sensuous enjoyments; he amused himself with sport, gave himself up to the tune
of the lute and dulcimer after the true spirit of the verse:
Enjoy yourself because in just a twinkling of the eye.
The autumn is about to arrive and the spring about to go.
Some of the prominent nobles of this land, Shamsi Chak,
'Alam Sher Khan, Sayyid Saif Khan and Muhammad Lung found that Yusuf Shah, on
account of his excessive carelessness had been grossly neglecting state affairs.
As such, they firmly resolved to create disorder in the state afresh. On knowing
this, Yusuf Shah got all the four persons arrested and imprisoned. The event
brought this verse to his lips: 
'I am seized of the serious thought of how to extend my
patronage to him, but he is seized of the thought of uprooting me.'
Sometime later, Saif Khan and Muhammad Lung were
released, but Shamsi Chak and 'Alam Sher Khan continued to languish in prison.
Habib Khan was filled with fear and apprehension and he broke his promises and
commitments, and fled to Udreseh mountains from where he began to foment
trouble.  After two or three months, Haidar Chak, who returned from India,
joined him. Shamsi Chak, with the abetment of Haidar Malik, a blood relation of
his, led a revolt against Yusuf Shah in the fort of Bulur which was situated on
the borders of Kamaraj. Yusuf Shah's troops laid a siege to the fort and
overpowered him by sheer numerical strength. Shamsi was captured and brought
before him. Although he was related to the children of Yusuf Shah, and on that
basis pleaded with him for his acquittal, his pleadings were of no avail because
he was the ring-leader of the group of seditionists. "To expect
faithfulness from a king is like expecting fruit from a cypress tree."
Haidar Chak's uprising
However, some time later, Yusuf Khan, son of 'Ali Khan
and Nawroz Chak, who have already figured in the pages of this chronicle,
escaped from the house of Lohar [sic], where they had been interned, and joined
the forces of Habib Khan. A large number of the sons of nobles of of this land
assembled and deliberated over the ways and means of destroying the authority of
Yusuf Shah. They approached the governor of Greater Tibet for assistance. The
governor named Bamaldi, a man of commanding personality, was sovereign and
powerful, with innumerable troops under his command. He placed four to five
thousand soldiers of his at their disposal and for their assistance; all fully
equipped with such arms and equipment as are required in a battle.
Yusuf Shah came to know of the troops and materials
given by the ruler of Tibet [to the Kashmiri nobles]. Consequently, he also sent
his troops as well as private combatants of this land, all equipped with
necessary arms, to face them. Habib Khan, Haidar Chak, and Yusuf khan got the
news that Yusuf Chak's columns were advancing. It caused them great confusion.
Their forces were torn by internal conflicts and mutual jealousy. This
disturbing situation disheartened the reinforcing columns from Tibet who decided
upon retracing their steps without getting involved in a battle.
Haidar Chak was defeated and he fled towards Kathwar (Kishtwar)
but Habid Khan's routes of escape were blocked and he was forced to turn towards
the city where he hid himself, and even in that state, he continued his
[ verses ]
After several days of search and enquiry, about ten
rebellious nobles were captured around the village of Sonwar and brought before
Yusuf Shah. Yusuf Khan, son of 'Ali Khan, was captured along with his brothers
in the pargana of Bring. Yusuf Shah punished them so that the disorder created
by them was remedied:
[ verses ]
Habib Khan's eyes were gouged out and Yusuf Khan, son
of 'Ali Khan, and his brothers were punished with amputation of limbs. 'Ali
Khan, son of Nawroz Chak, was a pious and God-loving man, alive to the duties
and obligations of the material and spiritual world. When he lost his eyes in
the manner mentioned above - a matter of divine ordination - he stood up the
next moment to offer prayers in thankfulness to God the Needless, uttering the
[ verses ]
Muhammad Bhat's conduct
Thereafter, the office of the Chief Vizir of Yusuf Shah
remained with Muhammad Bhat. He was obsessed by his enmity towards Shamsi Dooni,
and time and again instigated Yusuf Shah to seek revenge against him on one
pretext or the other. But, because of Yusuf Shah's innate good disposition, he
did not listen to his interested words and did not take any vindictive step
against Shams Dooni. The disgruntled Muhammad Bhat thus became malicious towards
Yusuf Shah, and eventually, joined hands with Yusuf Khan, son of Husain Shah.
They worked in collusion to find an opportunity to put an end to his life. But
it did not materialize because of their inability to make the sons of Miran
Sayyid Mubarak Shah agree to this. Under these circumstances, Yusuf Khan grew
apprehensive and, along with some of his soldiers, fled in the darkness of the
night to Udrasah mountains. Leading his troops, Yusuf Shah, along with the
sons of Miran Sayyid, gave him a hot pursuit right upto the above-mentioned
mountains. During their pursuit, there was an encounter between them in which
Husi Bhat, the brother of the above-mentioned Muhammad Bhat, was wounded and his
troops were overpowered. They were forced to withdraw to the summits of the
mountains, where they were surrounded by Yusuf Shah. Muhammad Mir [sic] was
taken prisoner. Some of his soldiers sustained wounds, but managed to join
Haidar Chak. Others got scattered over those areas in a miserable plight. Haidar
Chak felt strengthened on account of an increase in his troops.
After these events, Mirza Ya'qub, being immature and
also having come under the vicious influence of a group of miscreants, felt
dissatisfied in the service of his illustrious father. With the connivance of
Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal Khan, he escaped to Kathwal mountains. After a few days,
Yusuf Shah despatched one Mulla Hasan Aswad as his emissary to his son. Using
mild and persuasive words and tact, he exhorted Ya'qub to return to his father
and show him due respect:
[ verses ]
Haidar Chak escapes
Frightened of Yusuf Shah's wrath, Ibeh Khan went to
Haidar Chak. After this event, Shamsi Chak, who had been imprisoned when Yusuf
Shah ascended the throne, contrived his escape and joined Haidar Chak at Kathwal.
Finding that Yusuf Shah's position had become vulnerable, the trouble-mongers
took to subversive disorderly acts wherever they could. In order to prevent
people from establishing rapport with Haidar Chak and also for reasons of
security, Yusuf Shah deputed Sher 'Ali Bhat and Naji Raina to encamp at Kenal
[sic] (Konehbal ?). But these commanders abandoned themselves to negligence,
forgot the enemy and whiled away a few days at that place. Haidar Chak found
that they were completely negligent and, taking advantage of the opportunity,
brought his troops out of Kathwal and moving with great speed, launched a
night-assault on them:
[ verses ]
Sher 'Ali Bhat and his soldiers displayed feats of
valour, but he was slain by Shamsi Chak; Naji Raina was captured by Haidar Chak
and brought to the village of Daksum. Most of the troops of Yusuf Shah joined
Haidar Chak defeated
Under these circumstances, Yusuf Shah was compelled to
come out of the city. The vanguard of his army got engaged in a battle with
Haidar Chak, Shamsi Chak, Ibeh Khan and others at the aforesaid village. But
since his opponents had established strongholds in the narrow mountain gorges,
many of Yusuf Shah's soldiers were wounded and, as such, forced to retrace their
steps and rejoin the main body of the force advancing from the rear. But the
sons of Miran Sayyid Mubarak Shah, namely Shah Abu'l-Mu'ali, Ibrahim Khan and
others, held on to their positions extending support to Mirza Ya'qub so that he
did not join the fleeing troops and return to his father. Holding on fast to
their position, their fifteen or sixteen warriors fought heroically against a
large number of their opponents. Some of the fleeing soldiers carried baseless
and disturbing rumours about Mirza Ya'qub and the sons of Miran Sayyid to Yusuf
Shah which distressed and disheartened him so much that he suspended his advance
for a few days and ordered a halt to his troops and camp followers. But then
Miran Sayyid Husain Khan, the son of Miran Sayyid Mubarak Khan, prompted him to
resume the onward march, and he reached the battlefield. Before Yusuf Shah's
arrival, Haidar Chak and his troops had come out of narrow mountain gorges, and
a fierce battle took place between him and the sons of Sayyid Miran. Like an
immovable mountain the valiant Sayyids stuck to their positions and did not
budge even an inch from there.
[ verses ]
As God willed it, Haidar Chak found himself in a
depressing situation, dismounted from his horse and ran away to hide himself in
a mountain gorge. The Sayyids raised high the banner of their victory and chased
the fleeing enemy whose soldiers fell victims to their lashing swords.
Meanwhile, Yusuf Shah arrived with his army on the
actual scene of the battle and witnessed the gallantry and bravery of the
Sayyids. He eulogised Miran Sayyid Abu'lMu'ali in loud terms. On the
recommendation of the aforesaid Sayyid, he honoured most of his soldiers with
befitting rewards and robes of honour. Then he returned to the capital of
Sometime later, Shamsi Chak, Ibeh Khan and others felt
pangs of conscience in Haidar Chak's company and, therefore, tried to establish
links with Yusuf Shah to renew their old bonds of friendship.
[ verses ]
Haidar Chak, Yusuf Lund, and 'Ali Khan Surigama
descended from the Kathwal mountains and headed towards the capital city of
Lahore where they joined the services of Raja Man Singh.
It has already been recorded in the pages of this
chronicle that, on account of Yusuf Shah's violations of his pledges and his
dilatory tactics in connection with his services to Raja Man Singh, the Raja had
become displeased with him. This situation was further aggravated because his
opponents joined Raja Man Singh. The only person with whom he shared the
'secret' and in whom he confided was Khwaja Qasim, son of Khwaja Haidar and
a grandson of Khwaja Hajji. He told him that "it was far removed from
prudence and wisdom to feel secure against a cunning enemy."
[ verses ]
He, therefore, did not want that Haidar Chak should get
a chance of going to Raja Man Singh and further his aims.
Khwaja Qasim appreciated Yusuf Shah's approach. With
exquisite presents and choicest gifts for the Raja and his senior commanders,
and accompanied by Khwaja Ghani; Kabuli, he [Qasim] presented himself before the
Raja at Lahore. He waited until a suitable opportunity came his way to speak to
the Raja and his senior officers in a manner which maligned Haidar Chak. The
bard sings: "Listen not to the selfish; should you do so, you will only
Not being convinced that Khwaja Qasim was not acting
without some interest, the Raja did not listen to his account. Instead, his
effort of maligning Haidar Chak only strengthened his (Man Singh's ) favourable
opinion of Haidar Chak. Having been convinced that he could make no headway
and that his mission had met with utter failure, Khwaja Qasim sought the
permission of Raja Man Singh to leave his court.
Ya'qub assesses situation
Khwaja Qasim reported the words of Man Singh to Yusuf
Shah but with distortions and suggesting that his words could be taken as an
indirect expression of support. Thereupon, Yusuf Shah conferred the title of
Mirza upon him and invested him with the authority of administering this domain.
[ verses ]
Mirza Ya'qub, the son of Yusuf Shah, was a man gifted
with wisdom, sagacity, prudence, and understanding. He found that this man (Qasim)
crossed the limits of discretion in handling the affairs of the state and took
recourse to flattering Yusuf Shah and giving him false reports to further his
selfish interests. He marked that Qasim did not speak what was in the interests
of the state. Therefore Ya'qub protested against Mirza Qasim's assertions and
even reproached him in such a way that Mirza Qasim felt offended. The two of
them, therefore, became estranged.
Ya'qub at Imperial Court
Meanwhile, the aforesaid Raja despatched one of the
trusted officials of his court namely Timur Beg,[l6] as his emissary to Yusuf
Shah. By combining threats with favours, he expressed the purpose of his
mission. Mirza Qasim considered Timur Beg's visit a good opportunity for getting
rid of Ya'qub. He, therefore, impressed upon Yusuf Shah that it would be highly
desirable to send Ya'qub to the imperial court along with Timur Beg. Yusuf Shah
accepted this selfish suggestion and, without caution and consideration,
despatched Mirza Ya'qub to the capital city of Lahore along with the
On arrival at the court of the aforesaid Raja, Mirza
Ya'qub duly observed the decorum and protocol of the court, and was then brought
to the presence of the Emperor. He had been at the imperial court for only a
short time when, as God willed, the news of the death of Mirza Hakim, the
governor of Kabul reached the court. His Majesty, therefore, marched towards the
lands of Kabulistan with the intention of conquering it. At each station
during this march where His Majesty halted, he asked Mirza Ya'qub to summon his
father Yusuf Shah. Ya'qub sent despatches to his father from every halting
station stating the course of events in the imperial camp. But on account of the
villainy and wickedness of the aforesaid Khwaja, he did not act with
farsightedness and paid no attention to the letters of his son. Disappointed by
his father's failure to appear at the royal court, Mirza Ya'qub felt the
overwhelming weight of His Majesty's insistence and also the tear and gravity of
the consequences of a defiant attitude. Keeping all these facts in view, he
sought permission, and from the village Bahlool ( Pore) he marched out
post-haste so that within a short time of three days and three nights, he
brought himself to the presence of his venerable father. But once again
Khwaja Qasim's inimical attitude towards him got revived:
[ verses ]
Before Ya'qub rejoined his father, two envoys from
Akbar, namely, Hakim 'Ali  and Saleh 'Aqil, had been sent to Yusuf Shah
advising him to present himself at the imperial court. They were still on their
way, when Ya'qub fled  and came to his father. On account of this, the
letter drafted by Yusuf Shah in the capital and sent to Akbar, containing
expressions of regret, was not entertained by him. In this way, Mirza Ya'qub's
 detestable behaviour was almost a repetition of the defiant attitude
adopted previously by his father; it intensified his Majesty's anger and
wrath. Twenty-two nobles of the imperial court, such as Shahrukh Mirza and
Shah Quli, under the command of Raja Bhagwan Das, were entrusted with the task
of conquering Kashmir. As the imperial troops were crossing Panbeh [sic] Drang,
[Yusuf Shah] released Muhammad Bhat, whose mention has already been made in this
chronicle, from prison and assigned him the task of guarding the city as well as
his household. 'Alam Sher Khan, who too had been put in prison at the time of
Yusuf's accession, was released to keep him company:
[ verses ]
At last, accompanied by top-ranking commanders and
known fighters, Yusuf Shah left the city and, in order to confront the
imperial army, adopted a tortuous route and arrived at Gawarmeet. The very next
morning of their encamping at the above-mentioned place, some of Yusuf Shah's
troops got engaged in an encounter with the imperial soldiers, a large number of
whom was slain on the battlefield and their severed heads brought to him.
Keeping in view the saying, "Have consultations on
matters," Yusuf Shah held consultations with Mirza Qasim, who held the
administrative authority over the domain. Their consultations pertained to the
strategy to be adopted in putting an end to the menace of the Mughal incursion.
Realizing that conciliation was the best course available under the given
circumstances, Mirza Qasim told him in secret that, since sustained resistance
to the imperial troops was virtually impossible, the wise course would be to
initiate negotiations. He further suggested to him that by making Raja Bhagwan
Das their patron they could use his good office for gaining access to the
imperial court. Acting on the saying that "The affairs of the world
progress through means and not through merit," some headway could be made
in putting things in order with the help of the aforesaid mediator.
As a result of this thinking, Mirza Qasim proceeded to
the court of Raja Bhagwan Das and, after impressing upon him his sincerity of
purpose, asked him what favours and considerations would be received by them if
Yusuf Shah was brought to join his service. In order to see that his mission was
crowned with success, the aforesaid Raja agreed to enter into an understanding
with Mirza Qasim upon the conditions laid down by him. He (Raja) assured him of
his adhering to his commitments by invoking his qualities of manliness; and,
after putting the agreement in black and white, handed it over to him to be
delivered to Yusuf Shah. It was planned that Yusuf Shah would join the Raja
without delay and without consulting his sons:
[ verses ]
Misled by him [Mirza Qasim], Yusuf Shah set out on his
horse under the pretext of inspecting the advance columns of his army. Escorted
by four to five horsemen, Yusuf Shah, after arriving at his advance post, bade
farewell to his kingdom and legality and turned his horse towards the camp of
the above named Raja. His counsellors, chiefs and sons tried their utmost to
dissuade him from taking this risk, but to no avail.
Thus, without either taking sound counsel from an
adviser or giving cool and considerate thought to the matter himself, Yusuf Shah
took 'the' disastrous decision. Kashmiri nobles and commanders, especially the
sons of Mir Sayyid Mubarak Shah, found it in the interest of the general public
of that land that Mirza Ya'qub should assume the reins of the kingdom in place
of his father and resolved to ensure the security of their country. Hence, on
the following day, Ya'qub Shah was installed on the throne of his father with
the consent of Shamsi Chak, 'Alam Sher Khan and Shamsi Dooni. This development
led to their hostility and confrontation with the imperial troops.
With the purpose of safeguarding Khawora route, Baba
Talib Isfahani  encamped there along with his contingent of troops. The only
obstruction between them and the imperial army was the river at Panbeh Drang.
The sagacious and mildly-disposed 'master' suggested to the imperial troops that
they should construct a strong bridge over the river so that they can cross to
the other side and occupy the territories there with considerable ease. Usta
Lolo, a person known for his art of flattery in that land, was the 'master' who
put forth this suggestion. A strong and functional bridge was built over the
river and most of the soldiers in the Mughal garrison, under the command of
Shahrukh Mirza Badakhshi, crossed it one by one and landed on the opposite bank.
Mughals under pressure
With this development the villagers and brave landlords
[of Kashmir] were seized by fear of these brave soldiers; they withdrew but
could not decide on any course of action. It so happened that one of the
zamindars took courage and engaged a Mughal warrior in a fight and, with a
single arrow-shot, he put an end to his life. He then snatched the fallen
warrior's arms and robes under which he had concealed a scrip full of gold
fastened to his loins. His clothes were colourfully rich. The booty whetted the
appetite of Kashmiri soldiers for material gains and they fell upon the Mughal
soldiers who had crossed the bridge one by one. They slew them on the spot and
plundered their belongings. After concluding this operation, they hewed down
the bridge, rendering it unserviceable. Thereafter, they effected a total
blockade of the imperial garrison which made them face acute scarcity of food
grains and other provisions. The prices of these commodities soared so high that
further increase was almost unimaginable:
[ verses ]
Skirmishes between the two sides continued under such
hard conditions. The situation was further aggravated by natural calamities;
rain and snow, in addition to the extremely frightful scarcity of provisions,
brought the imperial army to the brink of disaster. It was compelled to despatch
'Ali Akbar Shah as an emissary to Mirza Ya'qub Shah, appealing to him for
immediate cessation of hostilities. The envoy stated that striking of coins and
reading of khutba would continue to be in the name of His Majesty in exactly the
same manner as was done hitherto. The emissary added that Yusuf Shah would
bring his son Ya'qub to the presence of His Majesty. Although Mirza Qasim
prevented Yusuf Shah from standing surety for Ya'qub, his fatherly affection
induced him to make the commitment. A letter of guarantee was drafted and passed
on the Raja Bhagwan Das.
Bhagwan Das' discomfiture
From the village of Bolyas, Raja Bhagwan Das carried
him along to the capital city of Lahore. Marching in triumph and pageantry, Raja
Bhagwan Das headed towards the court of his Majesty with Yusuf Shah.
Although Yusuf Shah showed utmost sincerity and faithfulness when he was brought
to the imperial court, yet luck as well as the promises of Raja Bhagwan Das both
deserted him; he remained in prison for two years and six months. On
noticing that his promise had been broken, Raja Bhagwan Das, under the dictates
of his sense of honour, which is the distinctive quality of that race, drew his
sharp-edged dagger from his belt and thrust it into his belly, which brought out
his entrails in a lump. But the hour of death had not yet arrived for the Raja:
he recovered from the wound and was soon up and about.
'Ali Dar's rebellion
As already stated, Ya'qub Shah ascended the throne of
Kashmir in the year A.H. 994 (A.D. 1585-86). This has been found in the
chronogram Zillu'llah. The office of the Chief Vizir was assumed by 'Ali Dar. He
was an amiable man but incapacitated by addiction to narcotics, and was unable
to distinguish right from wrong or truth from falsehood, so much so that having
conferred a certain pargana upon some jagirdar one morning, he re-allotted the
same to another in the evening. When the two allottees staked claims to the same
jagir and the matter was brought to his notice, he, forgetting his earlier
orders, observed that the land in question was state-owned and had not been
allotted to anybody as a jagir. This state of mal-administration increased chaos
and confusion, bickering and troubles, in the state day by day.
Under these circumstances, Ya'qub Shah considered it
prudent to assign to Miran Sayyid Husain Khan and Shams Dooni the task of
ensuring the defence of the city of Kashmir. Himself, he proceeded along with
the royal entourage to the village of Halehvaleh [sic] for solemnizing the
marriage of his adopted son. He returned to the city after the marriage was
performed. On reaching the village of Achwal, he came to know that 'Ali Dar
had been contemplating rebellion, and had managed to win over to his side some
notable leaders like Shamsi Chak, 'Alam Sher Khan, Mir Hasan Chadura and others
to overpower him during his move to the capital. But their attempts were foiled
by the outnumbering and powerful troops of the Sultan.
The frustrated rebels headed towards Sayyid Husain Khan
and Shamsi Dooni to seek their cooperation either by coercion or by persuasion.
But Ya'qub Shah came to know of this and forthwith set free one Muhammad Mir who
had been thrown into prison at the time of his accession to the throne. Together
with him, he headed towards the city of Kashmir (Srinagar) and entered into it a
little before his opponents could. Minutes later, 'Ali Dar, along with his
accomplices, appeared in the village of Zaldagar after destroying the bridges
over the river in the city. On the other side, Ya'qub Shah took position on the
Battle of Sopor
Ya'qub Shah was greatly fond of 'Ali Dar and 'Ali Dar
in turn relied whole-heartedly on his friendship. On that basis 'Ali Dar
hastened to see him at Idgah, where he made certain suggestions to Ya'qub Shah
which he thought suited his purpose. But the counsellors and advisers of Ya'qub
Shah did not approve them and 'Ali Dar returned disappointed and crestfallen. He
then sought the assistance of his associates and, in order to strengthen his own
position, proceeded towards Sopor. He left 'Alam Sher Khan on this side of Sopor
called Mala Pora and himself encamped in the town proper along with his troops.
After seven days and nights, he crossed the river at Mala Pora and was engaged
in a fierce battle with 'Alam Sher Khan. The fighting was so fierce that, but
for the timely help and protection given to him by friends and colleagues, 'Alam
Sher would have been killed. With great difficulty they managed to bring him
from the battlefield to a safer place and rowed him across the river to join
Shamsi Chak at Sopor:
[ verses ]
After capturing the town of Sopor, the commanders and
nobles of Ya'qub Shah entered the bazaar where fierce fighting took place with
the soldiers of Shamsi Chak, who were ultimately overpowered. Since the bridge
was very narrow in its width, and the number of fleeing troops was large, in the
melee that followed some of the soldiers fell into the river and some others
managed to cross over in safety.
Maintaining his presence of mind, Shamsi Chak left the
town along with his soldiers and headed towards the city. Ya'qub Shah sent
Abu'l-Ma'ali, the son of Miran Sayyid, in his pursuit and himself, together with
Yusuf Khan, Ibeh Khan and Sayyid Husain Khan made a lightening dash from Sopor
and arrived in the city before Shamsi Chak could be there. On learning about
this development, he, 'Alam Sher Khan and their allies did not think it
advisable to enter the city. Harassed by the enemy's pursuit, 'Alam Sher Khan,
in confusion, separated himself from Shamsi Chak and took to Kitchama mountains.
Mir Hasan Chadura escaped to Shamhal village and 'Ali Dar sought refuge with the
landlords of Bartal.
Deserted by his associates, Shamsi Chak was compelled
by circumstances to hide himself in the shrine of Mir Shamsu'd-Din 'Iraqi. His
associates and soldiers left him in the lurch:
[ verses ]
On being informed about the latest position, Ya'qub
Shah rode to the shrine, captured Shamsi Chak, and put him in the custody of
Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal Khan.
No doubt Shamsi Chak was a shrewd and resourceful man,
but when the pre-ordained misfortune befell him, his innate sagacity was
overshadowed by the veil of imprudence and his intelligence deserted him. He
abandoned his horse and took refuge in the house of the inmates of the shrine.
[ verses ]
Qadi Musa executed
After the rebellion was quelled and order was restored
in the state, the office of the Chief Vizir was assigned to Muhammad Bhat. Out
of malice and ill-will, some people had been alleging that it was Qadi Musa who
had caused a rupture in the otherwise cordial relations between Shamsi Chak and
Ya'qub Shah. It was further alleged that at the time of the Mughal incursion
into Kashmir, headed by Raja Bhagwan Das, Yusuf Shah had requested Kashmiri
chiefs to collect arms and equipment [to resist the alien troops], but the Qadi
had obstructed the supply of these necessary materials. The fact was that the
Qadi was popular and wielded considerable influence among the people. The
reason for his popularity was that he had brought to completion the roofing of
the Jame' mosque in Kashmir in one year, which Kashmiri nobles had failed to do.
But even in matters of religion and the sect to which he belonged, such
malicious things about him were given publicity as were unimaginable in a person
of his standing. In this way the malevolent strove every nerve to see the Qadi
executed and he was ultimately put to the sword. It goes without saying that had
that group of calumniators, with all the power at their disposal, chosen to
intercede for him, as the sons of Miran Sayyid Mubarak Shah had done earlier, to
save him from the impending fate, their good record would have remained
imprinted in the history of the world to the day of the last judgment: 
This event caused considerable unrest and agitation
among the nobles and the local people of Kashmir, and almost wrecked the very
foundation of Ya'qub Shah's regime.
Under the damaging influence of Mulla Hasan Aswad and
others, he dismissed the wise and sagacious Muhammad Bhat from the ministry and
threw him into prison. This act deepened the crisis within the country. The high
post of the Chief Vizir passed into the hands of the incompetent Nazuk Bhat. He
was neither wise nor shrewd and could not resolve the crisis caused by the
killing of the Qadi. He scarcely had any knowledge of the plight of ordinary
people. Eventually the soldiers of several regions got dissatisfied with their
patrons and were compelled by circumstances to desert them:
[ verses ]
Qasim Khan's expedition
Faced with the disorder which prevailed in that land,
the nobles and men of consequence in those days reported the matter in full
detail at the imperial court. His Imperial Majesty honoured a group of
warriors by giving them royal robes and gifts and they became a part of the
large army raised and despatched for the conquest of Kashmir under the command
of Qasim Khan Mir Bahr, and also included several high-ranking warriors who were
entrusted with responsible jobs. Shaykh Ya'qub, "the perfect in visage and
in method" and Haidar Chak were also given permission and directed to
accompany Qasim Khan Mir Bahr as his guides from station to station on his way
to Kashmir. They were given directions to show consideration and favour to all
people who came across their way so that they were not scared or coerced into
abandoning their hearths and homes.
When this news was brought to Ya'qub Shah, he placed
the city under the command of Nazuk Bhat's brother and himself came out of it.
Sayyid Saif Khan Baihaqi  procured robes, horses, and equipment from Nazuk
Bhat's brother and joined 'Alam Sher Khan at the village of Kitchama.
Both of them joined hands and, with the intention of restoring order, turned
towards the city.
On reaching Hirpur, Ya'qub Shah took the precautionary
measure of deploying commanders like Yusuf Khan, son of Husain Shah, Ibeh Khan,
son of Abdal Khan, Ibrahim Khan, son of Miran Sayyid Mubarak Shah, and others to
ensure the safety of Kenchil [sic] route, before the expected arrival of
Some of the soldiers of Ya'qub Shah found that there
was disunity in his camp; therefore, they joined together and, after arresting
Fath 'Ali known by the title Nowrang Khan, proceeded towards the imperial army.
Bahram Nayak, Isma'il Nayak and Shanki Charlu, who had been sent to safeguard
the Kenehil [sic] route joined the imperial army. The position of the defectors
could best be explained by the idiom, "between the devil and the deep
Yusuf Khan, son of Husain Shah, Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal
Khan, and Ibrahim Khan, son of Miran Sayyid, retraced their steps and joined
Ya'qub Shah. Frustration overwhelmed Ya'qub Shah and his troops were in disarray
at this critical juncture. At last, Miran Sayyid Shah Abu'lMa'ali thought it
expedient to release Shamsi Chak and Muhammad Bhat from prison. He proposed
fresh agreements and understanding with them and also suggested necessary
reforms in Ya'qub Shah's army by upgrading the ranks of soldiers. The proposal
was well received and highly appreciated by Ya'qub Shah. Some of his nobles, who
had been recently admitted to superior social rank, outwardly endorsed his
decision of releasing the two detenues, but, in truth, they were not happy about
it. They misled Ya'qub Shah by advising him to proceed towards Chitar [sic]
mountains early next morning without further delay or deliberation:
[ verses ]
Driven by circumstances the commanders and soldiers of
his army got an opportunity to run away in different directions.
A report stating that utter confusion prevailed in the
army of Ya'qub Shah was brought to the Emperor. He despatched to that land
Shaykh Ya'qub "the perfect in visage and method," Mir Sibi and
Shanki Jarariyeh (Charareh ?) Kashmiri with a strong force to bring relief and
comfort to people in those lands. They were directed to promulgate in the
length and breadth of that realm the orders and ordinances of His Majesty's
On reaching the locality of Hastiwanj, the Mughal
contingent was attacked by a large group of local troops, who inflicted a number
of casualties on them. Mir Sibi was wounded and both Shaykh Ya'qub and Shanker
Jarariyeh [sic] were captured and were not subjected to torture or harsh
treatment, for the reason that the former was a man of learning and the latter a
blood relation of Hasan Chak [sic]. They were pardoned and set free:
[ verses ]
Meanwhile Shamsi Chak managed to unite with himself
veterans such as Sayyid Hasan Khan Baihaqi, Husain Khan, son of Ibeh Shah, 'Alam
Sher Khan, Muhammad Bhat and almost all the soldiers who had left Ya'qub's
service and had been scattered all over the land. They took position atop
Kunandehbal  hills and soon got engaged in skirmishes with the imperial
[ verses ]
Muhammad Chak, son of Naji [sic] Chak, was a renowned
warrior of Kashmir. Like a brave soldier, he took the lead and displayed feats
of valour on the battlefield. He got locked in a duel with a soldier of the
opposing side; they held each other fast by the belt. Then Ghakkar soldier,
Jalal Khan by name, came on galloping to the pit where the two warriors were
struggling to overpower each other. This horseman put an end to the life of
Muhammad Chak. The event made Zafar Khan Nayak's blood boil; he made a
lightening move and charged at the adversary of Muhammad Chak in the manner of a
brave and valiant soldier. But he fell a victim to the musket shot of Qanbar
'Ali, the attendant of Mirza Hakim. At that time this Qanbar 'Ali was enlisted
in the staff of the imperial artillery. This is how Zafar Khan met with his
death. Despite their best efforts, Kashmiri commanders and nobles met with
defeat and ran helter skelter.
The triumphant and victorious Mughal troops occupied
the Hastiwanj hill. In A.H. 994 (A.D. 1585), Nawwab Qasim Khan entered the city
at the head of his victorious army. Haidar was suspected of fomenting trouble
and, therefore, was thrown into prison. Citizens, soldiers, as well as the
general masses of Kashmir assessed the situation, and expressed regret and
repentance over their base deeds and acts of perfidy towards earlier (Mughal)
officials. Out of fear and dread, they withdrew into obscurity.
The news of Haidar Chak's arrest was brought to Ya'qub
Shah. Without loss of time, he set out along with his troops from Kashmir in
full pageantry and encamped at Tserehwani. He rallied round him all those
militant people who had hitherto been in a state of disarray and disunity, and
provoked them to rise and fight the Mughals.
When this frightful news reached Qasim Khan, he deputed
Mubarak Khan Ghakkar along with some of his reputed warriors to support him.
When this contingent was on its way to Ya'qub's camp, the counsellors and the
advisers of Ya'qub Shah's army decided that before the arrival of the enemy on
the scene they should launch a night assault on Qasim Khan in the city itself.
They hoped that this strategy would yield satisfactory results.
Acting on this decision, Ya'qub's soldiers made a night
assault on Qasim Khan:
[ verses ]
In the course of the assault, his opponents had taken a
firm resolve to see him killed. Therefore they did not appear at their appointed
places [during the night-assault]. The reason was that all of them were unhappy
with his rule.
After analysing the course of events Ya'qub Shah came
to a definite conclusion that friendship of the people could not be relied upon;
the love of fellow beings was unsteady. In a state of helplessness he sealed his
lips and withdrew silently from the locality of Zaldagar to Tsereh-Wudar:
[ verses ]
The bravest of the Baihaqi Sayyids, Miran Sayyid Shah
Abu'l-Ma'ali, fearlessly came to the appointed place and made awe-inspiring
assaults on the enemy, setting on fire the gateway of the mansion of Yusuf Shah,
presently under the occupation of Qasim Khan and his numerous troops. Some of
the factional leaders like Mir Hasan Charu (Chadura ?), depending on and
confident of the remarkable bravery and indomitable courage of Shah Abu'l-Ma'ali,
cooperated with one another and launched powerful attacks in the fashion of war
veterans and disallowed the opponents any advantage of closing in. Meanwhile
Haidar Chak, who had been put into prison by Qasim Khan's orders was hastily
[ verses ]
When the dark night turned into a kind of bright day by
the leaping flames of fire, crowds of people rushed out from every lane and
street and, laying their hands on sticks, stones, brickbats, etc., attacked and
wounded the Mughal soldiers. Royal treasure which remained in the custody of 'Abdu'r-Razzaq
Mamuri had been deposited in the same place. Kashmiri soldiers assisted by the
above-mentioned Miran Sayyid rushed forth to plunder it. A fierce and bloody
battle took place between the Mughals and the above-mentioned Amir. Qasim Khan
saw the extraordinary and remarkable valour of Kashmiri warriors and retired
temporarily to a more secure place by the lake side, and did not extend help and
assistance to Mir 'Abdu'r-Razzaq Mamuri. He beheld that leader of the
redoubtable Sayyids (Shah Abu'l-Ma'ali), whose Hashimite descent needs no
introduction, as a man of incredible valour, who stood like a solid rock on the
battle field, and led a fierce fight against the Mughal troops. A large number
of soldiers on either side was wounded and badly mauled.
Meanwhile the people of this land learnt that Payandeh
Qazzaq, a warrior of the imperial camp, had raised a contingent of soldiers to
reinforce the group guarding the treasury. Learning of their arrival, the
Kashmiri soldiers suspended their attack on Mir Abdu'r-Razzaq, and turned to
fight the supporting contingent. Payandeh Qazzaq was a renowned and experienced
warrior, and obviously it was no mean task to face him on the field of action:
[ verses ]
No warrior of this land could muster courage to come
out on the pit to challenge him; however, 'Ali Mir Bilaw [sic] took the lead in
this. Issuing forth from his ranks he struck a blow with his sword at the Mughal
warrior. But that brave man, displaying his manly power and courage, dodged the
thrust. Then on the point of his lance he lifted 'Ali Mir up from his saddle and
hurled him on the ground. People who witnessed the alacrity and bravery of this
warrior loudly warned that none should hazard a combat with him, for heroes like
Rustam and Sam would be amazed at the sight of his might and skill.
Miran Sayyid Shah Abu'l-Ma'ali too witnessed his
bravery and valour. Without any hesitation and taking it as a challenge to his
sense of honour, he began his attack on him. Soldiers and onlookers watched the
two warriors in action, Payandeh Qazzaq took the lead and struck a terrible blow
of his lance at the Sayyid. But with God's help, he successfully dodged the
thrust. In return, he dealt him a deadly blow of his sharp-edged sword, which
sent him down reeling on the heap of dust, putting an end to his life.
Payandeh Qazzaq's warriors witnessed the bravery of the
Sayyid and, therefore, avoiding a battle, withdrew to the main body of their
troops. [Later on] the imperial troops came out like ants and locusts to attack
the Kashmiri soldiers. About seventy to eighty soldiers encircled Sayyid Shah
Abu'l-Ma'ali and wanted to capture him alive. He brought his horse into quick
action and managed to scare them away by shooting arrows at them:
[ verses ]
Had the warriors of this land also come out and engaged
the enemy with as much intrepidity as the Baihaqi Sayyids did, God would have
certainly rewarded them with victory. But as the saying goes, "the
master-key to the treasures of climes lies in God's own coffers; none has ever
opened it with the sheer force of arms" Since God's will was not in their
favour, they were not rewarded with victory.
Qasim Khan's plans
After this event, Nawwab Qasim Khan assigned Mubarak
Khan Ghakkar the duty of dealing with Shamsi Chak, Sayyid Husain Khan Baihaqi
and Shamsi Dooni who were in the town of Sopor. Mubarak Khan's troops came out
of the city and halted at the village Denwari, where Shamsi Chak, in cooperation
with Sayyid Husain Khan Baihaqi, Shamsi Dooni and others made a night-assault on
them. The result was a battle in which many people got killed. But, because they
had no divine help, they suffered a defeat and withdrew to the town of Sopor. On
account of bitter cold, they chose to retire to Karnav mountains.
Ya'qub Shah, along with his brethren, proceeded to
Kathwar (Kishtwar) ranges and Miran Shah Abu'l-Ma'ali left for Ludov in the
Nayak ranges. On account of severe cold, the rest of the local soldiers found
shelter in the house of the landlords of this country and did not enter the
services of the imperial army.
Yusuf Khan, son of Husain Shah, and Husain Khan, son of
Ibeh Shah, joined the imperial army after obtaining some firm commitment from
Nawwab Qasim Khan. After they joined, Nawwab Qasim Khan confiscated such of the
jagirs as had been in possession of the Kashmiri soldiers. Consequently, the
soldiers of this land felt dispirited and, taking advantage of winter, they
deserted the imperial army and dispersed in different quarters.
After the winter was over, Nawwab Qasim Khan considered
it expedient to send Miran Sayyid Mubarak Shah, Baba Khalilu'llah, and Baba
Mehdi, Husain Shah, son of Yusuf Khan, to the imperial capital along with
Khanjar Beg. Sayyid Mubarak Shah had totally renounced worldly affairs and gone
into seclusion for meditation and prayers. Baba Khalilu'llah and Baba Mehdi were
saintly persons unique in their qualities of celibacy and resignation to the
Divine Will, and Husain Shah held the title Khan-i-thahi. The purpose in sending
them to the capital was to put an end to disruption and chaos in this land, for
all times to come.
The party escorted by Khanjar Beg appeared in the
presence of His Imperial Majesty at a time when the winter also came to an end.
The Kashmiri soldiers, who had hitherto been lying low, came out of their
hideouts and resumed hostilities against the imperial troops. Ya'qub Shah,
together with his brother, Mirza Ibrahim and Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal Khan, and
the zamindars of Bring and Chitar [sic] issued forth from Katwar and encamped at
the village of Dagwan. Miran Sayyid Shah Abu'l-Ma'ali, Ibrahim Khan, Naji
Raina, the Zamindar Bartal, along with his sons, Bahram Nayak and Ahmad Nayak,
Zamindars of Nagam(a), Yusuf Shee. Zamindar of Kother, and others came out
of Ludov and in the ranges of Naji Rainas [sic], set up their headquarters
at Ghazi Nari. Shamsi Chak, in alliance with Shamsi Dooni, the Zamindar of
Kamaraj, descended from Karnav mountains and they established their stronghold
in the Kamaraj mountains.
When this frightening news reached Nawwab Qasim Khan,
he deputed Jalal Khan Ghakkar and Mubarak Khan Ghakkar to fight Miran Sayyid and
Shamsi Chak, respectively. Himself he came out of the city and arrayed his
troops near the village of Ghasu. In the battle fought between Yaqub Shah and
the Mughals, Mirzada 'Ali Khan, along with many other soldiers of the
imperial army, fell slain in the battlefield.
Observing the turn of the tide, Nawwab Qasim Khan
resorted to dilatory tactics and returned to the city. He then recalled Jalal
Khan and Mubarak Khan Ghakkar from their posts to reinforce his troops and
strengthen his position.
Ya'qub Shah moved from Ghasu [sic] and appeared on
the Suleyman mountain. He despatched Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal Khan, to meet and
bring Sayyid Shah Abu'l-Ma'ali to his presence. Miran Sayyid's joining Ya'qub
Shah added to his prestige and strength and he felt glorified. Shamsi Chak and
Shamsi Dooni, both of whom had hitherto declined to show allegiance to Ya'qub
Shah, were also drawn to make overtures to him when they heard that a compromise
had been reached between him and Miran Sayyid Abu'lMa'ali. They crossed the
river and camped at the village Hanjeek.
When Nawwab Qasim saw that Kashmiri troops were
gathering in large numbers, he took all necessary measures to ensure the
security of the fort  [there]. Each day witnessed renewed fighting between
the Kashmiri soldiers and the Mughals which continued for two and a half
The aforesaid Nawwab ultimately realized that the signs
of slackness and weariness in the imperial army had become fairly visible. He
was compelled by circumstances to send through his emissary a message to the
imperial court that he was faced with a situation of hardships and shortages of
provisions. On receiving this report, His Imperial Majesty sought the counsel of
senior government officials for providing relief to his troops in Kashmir. Their
unanimous opinion was that suppression of the uprising in Kashmir could be
possible only through the instrumentality of Sayyid Mubarak Shah.
His Imperial Majesty extended royal favours to the
aforesaid Sayyid and ordered that he should proceed to Kashmir in the company of
Mirza Yusuf Khan and others and see to it that the insurgents in Kashmir were
subdued. His Imperial Majesty showed extraordinary interest in this mission and
insisted on Miram Sayyid to undertake it, but he indicated his reluctance to do
so on one pretext or the other. This earned him the displeasure of His Majesty
who then ordered that he should proceed to Bengal to join Shahbaz Khan Kambu. A
year later when this Shahbaz Khan returned to pay a courtesy call at the
Imperial Court and reached Ferozabad, the call from the unknown to return came
to Miran Sayyid and he had no alternative but to respond. The chronogram
containing the date of his death has been recorded in these verses:
[ verses ]
He was survived by three sons, namely, Miran Sayyid
Husain Khan, Miran Sayyid Shah Abu'l-Ma'ali and Miran Sayyid Ibrahim Khan. A
mention of them has already been made in the earlier pages and, God willing,
more about them shall follow.
Qasim Khan liquidated
When Miran Sayyid refused to accept the assignment of
His Majesty, Nawwab Qasim Khan became arrogant and high-handed towards Kashmiri
commanders. This news was brought to His Majesty, who deputed Mirza Yusuf Khan
to govern Kashmir with the help of Baba Khaliu'llah and Muhammad Bhat. Muhammad
Bhat was a handsome person who was gifted with a noble disposition and a suave
manner. People in those lands considered his appearance on the scene as nothing
short of a boon. Through his efforts Lohar Chak, son of Bahram Chak, and Isma'il
Nayak joined Yusuf Khan while he was still on his way. The imperial troops
entered the city without facing any resistance.
On learning of this development Ya'qub Shah,
accompanied by Miran Sayyid Shah Abu'l-Ma'ali, Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal Khan, and
others moved to set up his headquarters in Kathwar mountains, while Shamsi Chak,
assisted by Shamsi Dooni and others, encamped in Poonch.
In the year A.H. 995 (A.D. 1586/87), Mirza Yusuf Khan
occupied the seat of authority of this country, and with that Nawwab Qasim Khan
was forced to proceed towards the imperial court along with some Kashmiri
commanders, such as 'Alam Sher Khan.
The sagacious Muhammad Mir ( ?) Bhat soothed and
encouraged the rank and file of the Kashmiri troops by providing each one of
them with a jagir commensurate with his rank. In this way, he brought them under
his control and subordination, and induced them to take up arms against Ya'qub
Shah and Miran Sayyid to an unimaginable extent.
Shamsi Chak's insurgence
With the onset of spring, Shamsi Chak and Shamsi Doon,
came out of their dwelling places and began to fan the flames of chaos and
disorder in Kashmir. Mirza Yusuf Khan, taking notice of these developments,
despatched Muhammad Bhat and Sayyid Bahau'd-Din and Kashmiri troops to deal with
them. The aforesaid Sayyid marched his troops to the village of Nasu [sic] in
Biru pargana. But Shamsi Chak and Shamsi Dooni took the initiative and,
exhibiting remarkable bravery, made a night-assault on them in which Kashmiri
soldiers [of Muhammad Bhat] suffered severe reverses. On coming close to the
tent of Mir Sayyid Bahau'd-Din, one of the brothers of the Sayyid dashed out of
his tent barefooted and with his sword struck a blow on his enemy's horse, but
only to slit the reins. The rider was rendered powerless but the horse in a bid
to return to its stable bore him away from that dangerous pit to the contiguous
lands of Poonch. In this battle Kashmiri soldiers indulged in a large scale
killing of each other. Shamsi Chak's troops withdrew to Poonch.
Muhammad Bhat becomes vain
Muhammad Mir (?) Bhat came to Mirza Sayyid Yusuf Khan
along with the imperial troops. [ The sentence after this is incomplete in the
text and has not been translated. ] On his advice, Mirza Sayyid Yusuf Khan
honoured each Kashmiri soldier with a befitting reward and induced them to fight
against Ya'qub Shah.
Finding that the strategy of putting Shamsi Chak's
soldiers to rout had worked well, Muhammad Mir (?) Bhat lost his head and began
to make boastful claims. Ya'qub Shah and Miran Sayyid Abu'l-Ma'ali came to know
of Muhammad Mir (?) Bhat's vain utterances. It challenged their sense of honour
and, dashing forth from Kathwar mountains, they encamped at the village of
Panjyari (Penzyari) in Dachhanpara pargana. Mirza Yusuf Khan received the news
of their movement. He directed Muhammad Bhat and Hajji Mirak, a renowned noble
of his army, to lead a strong and well-equipped force to confront the enemy. A
large number of horses was placed at their disposal; in addition to this, robes
of honour and substantial amounts of cash were also given to them.
Muhammad Bhat, accompanied by Hajji Mirak, took to
guile and treachery and sent them conciliatory messages, completely disregarding
his previous acquaintance with them. He hoped to take them unawares and, using
all the means at his disposal, tried to make them his captives:
[ verses ]
Some of the warriors [ of Ya'qub Shah ] were taken in
by his soft and conciliatory words and could not decide whether to join him or
not. But Miran Sayyid Shah Abu'lMa'ali could read the writing on the wall.
However, he responded to his overtures in an equally soft tone, using the
sweetest of phrases. At the same time, he held consultations about how the
impending serious threat could be warded off. His aids and commanders
unanimously agreed to trust his authority, after the true spirit of the verse
that "what you deem right is also right for us.".
Fighting breaks out
It was Miran Sayyid's considered opinion that a night
halt was certainly fraught with the danger of their being made prisoners the
next morning. He, therefore, resolved to trust in Providence and make a quick
assault on the enemy:
[ verses ]
"Should the adventure succeed, our objective will
be realized. If it does not, the story of our bravery will get imprinted on the
book of the world."
Accepting this advice, Ya'qub Shah and his group of
soldiers numbering nearly five hundred girded their loins and made a charge on
the imperial army. On coming closer, they stopped for a while to assess the
enemy's strength. By late afternoon, when about one-fourth of the day still
left, they clashed with the vanguard of the imperial army led by Muhammad Mir.
In this fighting they displayed feats of extraordinary bravery. Their attack was
so fierce that Muhammad Mir got unnerved and ran away from the battlefield along
with his soldiers and joined the imperial army. In the course of fighting, Miran
Sayyid Ibrahim Khan was wounded and fell from his horse. This incident diverted
the attention of some of the commanders away from the battle for some time. But
the sudden appearance of clouds on the sky which brought torrential rains as had
never been witnessed before, led to suspension in fighting. Soldiers on either
side retired to their camps or lodgings. Muhammad Bhat levelled accusations
against his troops and criticised them, and waited at his camp for two days.
Acting upon the silly advice of some incompetent
persons Ya'qub Shah moved away from his present position towards the pargana of
Ular, with the purpose of raising troops. In the course of this shift in
tactics, some of his soldiers, perhaps out of fear of the imperial army,
deserted him and defected to Muhammad Mir. The remaining soldiers crossed the
Lank Nay and arrived in the vicinity of the pargana of Ular at the village
Naristan to camp on the heights of the lofty mountain [of Naristan].
As against this, Muhammad Bhat, commanding a very large
number of troops, took position on the slopes of the mountain of Naristan.
Fighting broke out in the early hours of the morning. Since the number of the
imperial troops was very large and Ya'qub Shah had only a handful of troops at
his disposal, it became obvious to him that resistance was futile as well as
impossible. Ya'qub Shah, Mirza Ibrahim and Ibeh Khan managed to draw themselves
away from that deadly place by their superb feats of archery and proceeded
towards the mountains of Kathwar. Miran Sayyid Abu'lMa'ali held on obdurately to
his position alone, with a small number of his men, fighting with their back to
The imperial troops on noticing that there were not
many soldiers with Miran Sayyid Shah Abu'l-Ma'ali, issued forth in groups from
the top and the slopes of that mountain. Their strategy was to block the
pathways. They gave them a hot pursuit up to the village Tsrar and people came
out in multitudes and surrounded Miran Sayyid. At last he was made a captive and
brought before Mirza Yusuf Khan. Although on that day also he was unmistakably
valorous and heroic, yet, since fate was not in his favour, he could not escape
to a safe place:
[ verses ]
Abul'-Ma'ali treated well
The aforesaid Miran Sayyid held a distinguished place
among the warriors of this land because of his remarkable bravery and heroism.
Besides, he was gifted with the qualities of honesty and integrity.
Consequently, Mirza Yusuf Khan considered the matter of his captivity as one of
singular importance. He fully observed the established norms of respect and
courtesy and, as a mark of due consideration to his dignity, took off his
gorgeous gown - a gift from the Emperor - and put it on the shoulders of Miran
Sayyid. Mirza Yusuf Khan took care that not even the slightest reference was
made to the events which had occurred before this. A lodge was reserved for his
Treatment of Kashmiri Commanders
Shamsi Chak and Shamsi Dooni came to know of these
developments. They approached Sayyid Bahau'd-Din for rapproachment and disposal
of their cases. The Sayyid, gifted with prudence as he was, assuaged their fears
by extending firm promises of his effective intervention in their case. In the
course of his talk with Mirza Yusuf Khan, he expressly mentioned to him the
well-known principle of diplomacy that a formidable enemy should be won over by
stratagem and his enmity neutralized by munificence:
[ verses ]
His clear suggestion to him was that Shamsi Chak and
Shamsi Dooni be treated ordially so that they could be assured of their safety
and security; it would result in their agreeing to enter the imperial service by
presenting themselves before Mirza Yusuf.
Mirza Yusuf took his advice and promised to act in full
conformity with it. Consequently, after securing fresh and reaffirmed
commitments from him, Sayyid Bahau'd-Din brought them to the presence of Mirza
Yusuf Khan who, in turn, granted them funds, provided them with horses and, in
the company of Sayyid Bahau'd-Din, sent them out of their native land to the
presence of His Majesty:
[ verses ]
His Majesty was disposed to deal leniently with them
and treat them with kindness because they were foreigners. He allowed to each of
them a rank (mansab) commensurate with his status. As a result of the
insinuations [of some malicious persons] and summons from Prince Salim, Ibeh
Khan son of Abdal Khan, a close associate of Ya'qub Shah, was made to part
company with him. He came to Kashmir for a meeting with Mirza Yusuf Khan and
then brought himself to the presence of Prince Salim.
Subsequent to these events, Mirza Yusuf Khan despatched
Sayyid Husain Khan Baihaqi, 'Ali Dar, Lohar Chak, son of Daulat Chak, Shamsi
Chak, son of Lohar Chak, Isma'il Dooni, and others to the imperial capital as
prisoners under military escort. His Majesty bestowed upon each a rank
commensurate with his status. Some of them were granted higher ranks, while
others had to rest content with the ahadi rank.
Yusuf Khan's malice
Soon after, Bahram Nayak, along with his sons, was
poisoned. Saif Khan Baihaqi, 'Ali Khan of Dachhinpora, Ibrahim called Ibeh
Shetan, the brother of Haidar Chak, were deprived of their eyesight under
various pretexts. Lohar Chak Qurchi was sentenced to death.
Mirza Yusuf Khan was greatly fascinated by the scenic
beauty and invigorating climate of Kashmir. As a result, he began to implicate
the nobles of that land in false and fabricated cases, and in this way found
pretests to do away with a few of them every day.
When the affairs of the lands of Kashmir came to be
shaped in accordance with the predetermined policy of the administration and a
report analysing this situation was submitted to the Emperor,[6l] the latter
decided to make pleasure trip to Kashmir by way of tamasha. This land was
honoured by the royal visit. Ya'qub Shah, who was living in peace, pleasure
and happiness along with his family at Kathwar, without being disturbed by
malicious persons, desired to enter the service of His Majesty. He was able to
do so through the good offices of Mirza Yusuf Khan, after making him agree to
certain commitments and conditions and then came to the presence of the Emperor.
Mirza Yusuf's intrigue
After this, the Emperor proceeded to Kabul and ordered
Mirza Yusuf Khan to accompany him, leaving behind his brother Shah Baqer in his
place. Usta Lolo, who was notorious for his villainy, was prompted by Mirza
Yusuf Khan to encourage Shah Baqer to place Miran Sayyid Shah Abu'lMa'ali, 'Alam
Sher Khan, Lohar Chak and several others under detention till the return of
Mirza Yusuf Khan from Kabul, with the purpose of foiling attempts at creating
disorder and disruption in the state:
[ verses ]
Acting upon the counsel of that depraved person, he got
the above-mentioned persons imprisoned. A despatch was sent to the Emperor
stating that Miran Sayyid Abu'l-Ma'ali 'Alam Sher Khan, Lohar Chak, Bahadur Khan
and others were a source of disorder in Kashmir and in order to deal effectively
with the menace, it would be judicious to ask Mirza Yusuf Khan to assume [rather
resume the governing authority of these lands as early as possible, otherwise
Kashmir would be lost to the empire. On receiving this report, His Majesty
forthwith permitted Mirza Yusuf Khan to leave the imperial headquarters. Yusuf
Khan found development conducive to his larger interests and headed towards
Kashmir in great hurry. Shortly after arriving in Kashmir, he released Miran
Sayyid Shah Abu'l-Ma'ah from prison on the security furnished by Muhammad Mir,
and sent him away to join the service of Raja Man Singh. 'Alam Sher Khan, Lohar
Chak, Bahadur Khan, and others were sent to the Imperial Court.
Usta Lolo's perfidy
Since most of the Kashmiri commanders were scattered
and banished from the land, disorder and insurgence were eliminated totally.
Therefore, Muhammad Mir could not enjoy the confidence and respect of Mirza
Yusuf as he did earlier. In particular the garrulous and glib-tongued Usta Lolo,
the prominent businessman of that land, because of his innate wickedness and his
habit of fault-finding and selfishness, succeeded in vitiating Mirza Yusuf
Khan's impression about him:
[ verses ]
It was through this art of flattery and sycophancy that
he made himself known to the Emperor who afterwards summoned him to his
presence. His Majesty made detailed enquiries about all the happenings in
Kashmir from him. In response to them, Usta Lolo told him the stories of
(Kashmir's) past, present and future (?) kings in the form of a narrative,
which made a good impression on the Emperor. Consequently, Usta Lolo's prestige
and stature increased day by day, so much so that the title Nadiru'l-'Asr
meaning "the rarity of the age" was conferred upon him. Out of their
innate nobility, Mirza Ya'qub Khan and Muhammad Mir had confided in that base
and malicious person. Taking him as one of their friends "the veil of
duality between them had been lifted." Thinking that his knowledge of their
affairs could help him in eliciting special favours from the Emperor, he
reported to him about their affairs as well as true and false accounts of Mirza
Yusuf Khan's excesses in such an effective manner that His Majesty got annoyed
with Mirza Yusuf:
[ verses ]
(Keeping company with a base person is like carrying a
venomous snake under your arm)
Prudence and sagacity demand that we act upon this
principle so that we are safe against the treachery of a foe in a friend's garb.
Muhammad Mir summoned
In the course of these events, Shah Mirza, the son of
Mir Badla, left for heavenly abode. His miraculous spiritual powers were known
to people in these lands. He enjoyed full confidence of Mirza Yusuf Khan and had
been very close to him. He did everything possible to gain the friendship and
affection of Muhammad Mir. His death has been recorded in the chronogram Shah
Mirza maqbul-i dargah-i-ilah.
Baba Khalil, who had acted as a surety to Muhammad Mir,
too abandoned the prison house of this world. The chronogram Khalilu'l-Rahman
gives the date of his death. These events led to a decline in the prestige of
Muhammad Mir. Usta Lolo, the arch sycophant of his day, realized the extent of
disintegration which Baba Khalil's death was likely to cause to the government
of Mir Muhammad. He secretly reported to the Emperor that it was Baba
Khalilu'llah who had exercised a restraining influence over Muhammad Mir in his
efforts to foment trouble in Kashmir. Now that Baba Khalil was dead, Muhammad
Mir was likely to create disturbances. It would, therefore, be in the fitness of
things and in the interests of the state that Muhammad Mir was summoned to the
imperial court so that the chances of his instigating trouble in the country
In this way Muhammad Mir was summoned to the imperial
court. Some time later, he worked in league with Mirza Yusuf Khan to incite Ibeh
Shah, Lohar Chak, brother of Shamsi Chak, and Husain Wulu (Dulu ?) to proceed to
Kashmir, for the purpose of creating trouble and work towards disruption of law
and order and to spread discord among various sections of people in such a way
that they would clash with one another. He thought that such a situation would
lead the Emperor to recall Yusuf Khan and enable himself to assume their earlier
positions of administering the realm of Kashmir. This group of foolish people
acted upon their prompting and left for Kashmir.
They came to the house of 'Ali Raina, the landlord of
Bartal. This 'Ali Raina behaved without any sense of gratitude; acted without
generosity, and considerateness; ignored the obligations of kinship and loyalty,
and took recourse to wickedness. He handed them over to the agents of Mirza
Yusuf Khan. They begged for their release saying that they had come in these
lands under the instructions of Mirza Yusuf Khan, but their entreaties were of
no avail. On the contrary, their explanation recoiled on them, because the
agents took these words to be an attempt at defaming Mirza Yusuf Khan.
Thereupon, without the slightest hesitation and without wasting time, [they
ordered that] their heads be severed from their bodies:
[ verses ]
On his way to Lahore, 'Ali Raina, as a consequence of
this wicked deed, was afflicted with some malignant disease and died an ignoble
death so much so that no one undertook to give him a burial:
Muhammad Mir's intrigue
Thus Muhammad Mir's expectations about the outcome of
his intrigue were frustrated. As a result of this, he resumed his activities of
creating disruption in Kashmir. He sent Yusuf Khan Kashmiri to those lands to
serve the aforesaid purpose so that the Emperor would be constrained to send
them back to govern Kashmir. This was the plan they drew up secretly.
Accordingly, Yusuf Khan set out from the capital city of Lahore towards Kashmir,
but the powerful stars of the Emperor forced him to retrace his steps. This
news was conveyed to the Emperor but, as he was disposed kindly towards his
subjects, he overlooked his crime and did not punish him. Ya'qub Shah was also
implicated in this matter. But, because His Majesty had entered into some
agreement with him and made some commitments, Ya'qub Shah continued to be at the
imperial court. However, escorted by Hasain Beg Turkman, he was brought to
the presence of Raja Man Singh to join his father Yusuf Shah.
Hasan Beg's narrow escape
In this way, instigated by some base and unwise people
and with the consent of his brother, Ya'qub Shah, Mirza Ibrahim took advantage
of the opportunity and dealt a blow with his sword on the head of Hasan Beg
Turkman. Hasan Beg was a man of genial disposition and fair in his intentions.
With God's protection, not even a hair of his head was touched: his alert
soldiers sprang at Mirza Ibrahim and slew him on the spot:
[ verses ]
This incident made Ya'qub Shah immensely dejected. He
was overwhelmed by despondency and repented sorely over what had came to pass.
Hasan Beg took notice of his condition and was moved to compassion. Securing him
from any reprisals or hostile action against him on the way. Hasan Beg brought
him safely to Jonapur. But before releasing him from detention, he obtained a
surety from Yusuf Shah [of his safe conduct]. Later on he was sent to enter the
services of Raja Man Singh at Rohtas.
Yusuf Shah's character
While these things were happening, let us have a look
at Yusuf Shah. He was gifted with qualities of generosity and charitableness to
such an extent that whatever in the shape of cash, kind, gold, robes, ornaments,
etc. caught his eye, he gifted it away lavishly and unhesitatingly. Those who
were not aware of his innate generosity, attributed it to his mental
derangement. After the conquest of Orissa on Tuesday, the sixth of the month of
Dhu'l-Hijja, he took ill shortly after sunrise and, on Wednesday, on the
fourteenth day of the same month in the year A.H. 1000 (A.D. 1591), when about
three quarters of night had passed, he surrendered his soul to God:
[ verses ]
The dead body of Yusuf Shah was removed by Miran Sayyid
Shah Abu'l-Ma'ali from Jagarnath - a town abounding in icons and idols - with
such elaborate ceremonies as would befit magnificent kings and masters of
equipage and large retinues. The entire journey was covered in two months and,
on each day, alms and charities, food and sherbet were given to the poor and the
destitute. On Sunday, the 23rd of the month of Rabiu'l-Awwal, in the late
afternoon his mortal remains were buried in the pargana of Bisnak  in Bihar.
A spacious garden was laid out adjoining his grave and a deep well lined with
baked bricks was also dug near it. The date of his death has been found in the
chronogram Yusuf Shah mord faryad.
When Yusuf Shah left this transient world for the
everlasting abode, Raja Man Singh bestowed great attention upon his son, Ya'qub
Shah. He conferred upon him the jagir and the rank of his late father. This
arrangement continued for more than a year, after that His Imperial Majesty
summoned Raja Man Singh to his august presence. On the eve of his departure to
the imperial court - the meeting place of the choicest of men of the day - two
persons of criminal disposition who still bore on their foreheads the dark marks
of servitude to Yusuf Shah, hatched a conspiracy against Ya'qub Shah. They made
a submission to Raja Man Singh that leaving Yaqub Shah in that part of the
country with freedom of movement amounted to letting a bird out of the cage or a
falcon out of one's clutches. They suggested to him that Yaqub Shah should at
least be interned so that he was rendered incapable of returning to his native
land and hunt birds there:
[ verses ]
Raja Man Singh was alarmed by this possibility and
detained Ya'qub Shah in the fort of Rohtas. Some time later, Raja Man Singh was
permitted to leave the imperial court for Rohtas. Meanwhile the afore-mentioned
detestable and accursed persons once again conspired to put an end to the life
of Ya'qub Shah. They made Qasim Khan an accomplice in their crime, who had been
known as an illegitimate son of Yusuf Shah. As a punishment for his hideous
deeds in the past, (Qasim Khan) had served a year's term of imprisonment under
the orders of the Emperor. It was Raja Man Singh who had interceded for him at
that time and secured the orders of his release from prison. The truth is that
he was the offspring of a butcher. As he was depraved and inherently wicked,
Qasim Khan took the initiative to realize his objective and waited for a
On the eve of Raja Man Singh's arrival in the fort of
Rohtas, the two malicious persons accompanied his troops in those regions.
Ya'qub Shah sought the permission of the Raja to proceed on a pleasure trip to
his jagir and the town of Bhera. Out of courtesy he dropped at Qasim Khan's
residence to take his leave. The treacherous villain, taking advantage of this
opportunity, offered him a few betel leaves, one of which concealed deadly
poison. Offering of a betel leaf was in accordance with the custom prevailing
among the people in those lands. With his sinful hands, Qasim Khan selected this
very poisonous leaf for him and, simulating affection, kinship and special
regard, he made him accept it. After accepting the betel leaf, Ya'qub Shah took
leave of his murderer and returned to his lodging. Soon after he could feel the
effect of poison spreading in his body. A few days later, on reaching the town
of Bhera, the colour of his face changed to deep blue. On the eighth day of
Muharram, A.H. 1001 (A.D. 1592), he breathed his last:
[ verses ]
On learning of this tragic event, Raja Man Singh
despatched Qasim Khan to those regions with the purpose of informing and
consoling the survivors of the bereaved family. Man Singh was under the
impression that Qasim Khan, being the next of kin, and one of the members of the
bereaved family, would be the proper person to be entrusted with this missions.
But this ungodly ( Khuda na- tars) fellow joined hands with some abominable
wretches to hatch more conspiracies. He subjected Ya'qub Shah's offspring to
harassment and victimization in many ways. Household effects, property, gold and
ornaments, all that was left with his legitimate queen was seized and taken
possession of by him. There was none at the court of Raja Man Singh who gave any
attention to their grievances.
The death of a noble father and his illustrious son was
a tragedy of great magnitude for their compatriots. Eventually Miran Sayyid Shah
'Abu'l-Ma'ali, who was their kinsman, besides also having affectionate
relationship with the household, brought the dead body of Ya'qub Shah to the
pargana of Bisnak to be buried by the side of his father. Let benign God forgive
Subsequent to these events, and after a lapse of about
three or four years, that rascal of a man fell a victim to the wrath of the
Wrathful (God) and two carbuncles, horrible to look at, appeared in his armpit
and in his anus. On account of acute pain he could not move about for nearly l
year. Though he applied ointment to the ulcers, it seemed as if some invisible
power made the medicine ineffective; and, in fact, made the sores more putrid.
Out of repentance he spoke before everybody, high and low, all that he had done
and made no attempt to conceal his feelings of regret and sorrow. The disease,
finally, proved fatal. At present he remains buried at the village of Tanda in
the province of Bengal:
[ verses ]
It has been said that prior to his death by poisoning,
Ya'qub Shah once suffered amebic dysentery because of his excessive use of
narcotics like opium. The Indian physicians took no interest in curing him of
this disease. They neither touched his body, nor went anywhere near his bed.
But, despite that Ya'qub Shah did not let despondency overpower him. He
emphatically declared that his departing hour had not come. "It will be the
Friday of Muharram, the day of martyrdom of Husain, the son of 'Ali. At that
time none of my true and affectionate friends should shed tears or lament my
death. They should rejoice just as a friend rejoices on meeting his friend,
because there goes the saying that "death is the bridge that links a friend
with a friend."
After he was poisoned, Ya'qub Shah found that the
symptoms of death had begun to appear and with that he lost hope of his
recovery, which led his friends and dear ones to utter loud cries of distress
and agony. But he slightly blinked and held his tongue between his teeth -
obviously in alarm and to express his disapproval of the lamenting and sobbing
going on around him: he even spoke loudly against it. Then he closed his eyes
once again. Miran Sayyid Shah Abu'l-Ma'ali quickly placed his one hand on his
face and the other on his chin and managed to release his tongue from his closed
jaw. He poured a few drops of sherbet down his throat. With that "the bird
of his soul winged away from the cage of his body and made its lasting nest on
the branches of the lote-tree (sadreh) in Paradise."
[ verses ]
Kashmiri nobility breaks
Briefly speaking, the sagacious Muhammad Mir, who bore
Ya'qub Shah's unlimited affection was subjected to much harassment by the
cunning Usta Lolo and Firaq Kashmiri. Unable to withstand these shocks, he soon
followed Ya'qub Shah to the other world.
[ verses ]
Thus the nobles of Kashmir were completely wiped out.
The aforesaid Usta Lolo made a submission to His Majesty that Kashmir could
provide large revenue to the imperial treasury. If a revenue officer were
appointed by His Majesty to make proper assessment, the possibilities of an
increase in revenue could be reported to him. This resulted in the deputation of
Hasan bin Shaykh'Umari and Qadi 'Ali. the renowned revenue experts in the cadre
of the imperial government, to Kashmir. According to the instructions from the
imperial court, they came to Kashmir where they formulated their own system of
levy and collection of revenue which were in the interests of the governing
machine. They harassed and oppressed the people in many ways. Eventually the
people were forced to join Mirza Yadgar, the brother of Mirza Yusuf Khan, and
give a tough fight to Hasain Beg Shaykh 'Umari, who was routed and overpowered,
and he suddenly found himself cut off from his friends and supporters.
Bare-footed and without a headgear, he wended his way through narrow and
tortuous paths till he reached in the presence of Raja Rajpal. Qadi 'Ali was
slain in the vicinity of Kamelna [sic] fort and Mirza Yadgar was installed in
the seat of government of that land.
The news of these detestable actions reached the
Emperor who, followed by his victorious legions, set out to conquer that
country. When Mirza Yadgar came to know of this, he marched out of the city of
Kashmir (Srinagar) and, after ensuring the security of Konehbal route, took up
his position in the village Hirpur. But suddenly, under some divine
dispensation, as also under the good fortune of the king, Ibrahim Khan Ghakkar
and Saro Beg Turkman, two employees of Yusuf Khan and presently in Mirza
Yadgar's combat forces, found an opportunity, during the hours they were keeping
watch, to assassinate Mirza Yadgar. On account of the resultant chaos, most of
his field commanders, like Mir Muhammad, Bahadur Malik, son of Idi Raina, and
many others ran away in confusion in different directions. The army of that land
could no longer remain united and the soldiers were reduced to such a state of
demoralisation that, in order to earn their livelihood they had to approach the
jagirdars for service.
Mutch Bhavan episode
Muhibb 'Ali was one of the officials of Yusuf Khan who
had been assigned military duties in the pargana of Dachhanpara and Khovurpara.
He had made solemn promises and commitments to a group of local soldiers who had
entered his service; he brought them collectively to Mutch Bhavan  spring
under the pretext of recording their identity, and then put them all to the
sword. In this way the blood of Musalmans was shed like the gushing waters of
Mutch Bhavan spring. This is how he (Muhibb 'Ali) invited perpetual torture in
the world hereafter in return for petty gains of the base material world.
Lohar Chak killed
After this event, Qasim Khan Namgi [sic], on the advice
of some local people, extended many promises and pledges of renewed friendship
to Lohar Chak and his brothers and sons, and making them forget their sins and
faults, brought them to his presence from Drav [sic] and then, ignoring his
pledges and promises, had the whole group assassinated in the town of Sopor:
[ verses ]
After this event, Husain Chak, son of Shamsi Chak of
Kupwara, in collusion with some people of the borders of Kashmir killed Jalil
Beg. But later, through the treachery of Mulla Jamil Beg who gave him a false
sense of security, he was lured into entering the service of Yusuf Khan. Thus,
without apprehending danger, Lohar Chak entered his service. He even forgot what
Muhibb 'Ali did (at Mutch Bhavan) and entertained no fears in his mind. At last,
Mulla Jamil found his opportunity, and in the village of Regipora "levelled
his enemies to dust." Prior to it, Husi Chak had died in an accident: he
fell from his horse in the course of shikar and then never rose again.
Shamsi Chak, son of Daulat Chak, died in the province
of the Deccan and his grave is at Burhanpore. His sons, Husain Chak and Zafar
Khan, became sorely distressed and were almost out of their mind on account of
the circumstances in which their kinsmen perished one after the other. And since
they had been pining for the bracing climate of Kashmir, they left Hindustan and
came to dwell in the highlands of Kamaraj and Maraj where they lived by lifting
cattle and plundering the crops of local peasants.
After the death of Emperor (Akbar), the crown passed on
to Jehangir Padshah. Ibeh Khan, son of Husain Khan, son of Ibeh Shah, Husain
Chak, Zafar Khan and several others, in collusion with the governor of Tibet,
whom they had persuaded to give them military assistance, raised a banner of
rebellion against the imperial forces in the pargana of Lar, which continued for
two months. By then the governor of Tibet found that they were disunited which
made him change his mind. Besides he also found them overtaken by sloth, and he
retreated to Tibet.
The group involved in the insurrection continued to be
defiant at Sherkot, flirting with the idea of carving out an independent
province for themselves. They became vain and indulged in rapacious activities,
such as looting and plundering houses, property cattle and belongings of the
peasants, and squandered their ill-gotten wealth in orgies of drink and
dissipation. This resulted in a famine and dearness in that part of the land to
an unimaginable extent. These people became totally indifferent to the presence
of the imperial troops in their neighbourhood. Thus unmindful of the realities
of the situation, they perpetrated acts of brigandage to their hearts' content.
'Ali Khan's fate
The imperial troops had been biding time. When the
opportunity came their way they rushed out of Sopor and attacked them on a dark
night while they lay in deep slumber. Many of them were slain and their severed
heads were sent to Kashmir [Srinagar] in a boat where they were piled up like a
minaret to serve a warning to other insurgents.
Later on 'Ali Khan, son of Husain Khan, sent Ibeh Shah
and Husain Chak towards the borders of Kamaraj on the principle that "two
swords cannot be accommodated in one scabbard." Husain Chak thought it
expedient to adopt a conciliatory attitude towards 'Ali Khan for he could read
the writing on the wall. Proud of his bravery, 'Ali Khan, along with a body of
... (illeg) called on Husain Chak to bid him farewell. But Husain Chak seized
the opportunity and slew the whole group of soldiers accompanying him. 'Ali Khan
was taken prisoner and handed over to the imperial troops. But as he was being
carried there, the Imaghats  came to know of the incident and put an end to
his life in the village of Denwari. In order to chastise the Imaghats, Zafar
Khan sent a contingent of foot soldiers and horsemen there and made a
night-assault on them in the pargana of Adwan, leading to fighting and killing
between them in the village of Door. A large number of Kashmiri soldiers on the
side of Zafar Khan perished and he himself sustained wounds which forced him to
abandon fighting and flee towards the jungle in the pargana of Biru.
This event was followed by the death of Muhammad Quli,
the Governor of Kashmir, who had endeared himself to the people of that land. He
was succeeded by 'Ali Akbar Shahi  whose appointment was made under the
orders of Jehangir Padishah. In the beginning, he took recourse to flattery,
deception, and cunning and, through the instrumentality of Qadi Saleh, extended
many promises and pledges to Zafar Khan, but with no sincere intentions. He told
him that Muhammad Quli and his former officials had committed acts of
maltreatment and rascality on the basis of religion. "But since I am a
staunch Sunni and you too are one, God forbid that even the slightest act of
ill-will prejudicial to your interests should occur from my side," he said.
In confirmation of this statement he swore by the name of venerable Four Friends
 as well as the Companions of the Prophet of Islam.
Thus, through deception and perfidy, he brought that
group of people to his presence, and got them arrested with the connivance of
Mulla Jamil Beg. This was followed by a policy of mass punishment in the city.
All those people who came across their way - soldiers, landowners, artisans,
weavers, and others - from dawn to noon were butchered. Ten days later, Zafar
Khan and seventeen young nobles were released from prison and handed over to
Hatem Khan the landlord, who, in turn, despatched them to the other world. At
the time of his death, Zafar Khan repeated the content of the verses:
[ verses ]
Habib Khan, son of Husain Khan, was killed by Husain
Nayak. Yusuf Chak was placed in the custody of Ya'qub Shah only to perish after
suffering a number of privations and tortures. Ali Khan, son of Yusuf Khan got
Nowroz Chak killed by the son of Hatem Khan.
In short, all those seven budding youngsters who had
yet to taste the fruits of life in the garden of this treacherous world, were
totally uprooted by its pestilential gusts. They [the kinsfolk of Chaks] were
humiliated and deprived of their name and identity, and forced to live a vagrant
life in the streets and lanes of the locality of Rainawari. No one was even
permitted to bury them [ when dead ]. However, the inhabitants of the locality,
in order to avoid the stench of their putrid corpses, removed them to a potter's
kiln in the neighbourhood, and concealed them under mud and dust. The spheres
mourned the tragic end of hose people by shedding tears in the shape of
torrential rain and by giving out loud laments of lashing thunderbolts,
so-much-so that it appeared like the clarion sound of Israfil calling the dead
Sher Afghan 
Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal Khan, was one of the warriors
of that land. On the eve of Jehangir Padishah's accession to the throne, he
proceeded to his jagir at Burdwan under orders of the Emperor. A brave man, Sher
Afghan by name, was a former jagirdar now living in comfort at that place.
Qutbu'd-Di Khan, the Governor of the province of Bengal, had, as a sequel to his
disagreement with and jealously towards that gallant man, reported to the
Emperor that all the people in Bengal except Sher Afghan have submitted to the
authority of His Majesty. Whatever orders there were from His Majesty about him
[Sher Afghan ] would be carried out by him unhesitatingly. Forthwith orders were
issued by the Emperor that Sher Afghan's head be severed from his body and sent
to the imperial court. On receiving these orders, Qutubu'd-Din proceeded to
confront that brave man along with a contingent of two thousand soldiers. In
spite of suspecting danger to his life, he [Sher Afghan] came out of his fort
along with seventy or eighty horsemen to receive the governor formally. He had
hardly come close to them when he understood the suspicious movement of Qutubu'd-Din's
troops and was convinced that their only intention was to kill him. Meanwhile
the mahaut of Qutbu'd-Din manoeuvred his exasperated elephant in such a manner
that Sher Afghan's horse took fright and got out of control. Consequently Sher
Afghan was forced to be on guard. He addressed Qutbu'd-Din in these words:
"You commander of the Khans, what do you mean by this move ?" The
aforesaid evaded a direct reply. Thereupon Sher Afghan's companions spoke to him
reproachfully in the Turkish language: "If there is anything of manliness
and bravery left in you, what other occasion would you seek to put these to
test?" On hearing these words, the brave man mustered heroic strength and
made an assault on Sher Afghan. But with the first stroke of his sword, Sher
Afghan chopped off his arm from his shoulder. The next stroke pierced his belly
letting his entrails drop down in a lump. Thus ended the life of Qutbu'd-Din.
The next man who advanced to cross swords with him was
Haidar Malik Chadura. He too sustained a wound in that battle and looked round
to run for his life. Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal Khan, saw what was happening; he
summoned his manliness and spurred his horse towards the pit. The two warriors
came close to one another. On account of the presence of elephants on the
battlefield, the horses of both the warriors found it rather difficult to stick
to their positions. They were compelled to dismount and began fighting each
other. Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal, took the lead and inflicted a blow on Sher
Afghan's face, cutting open half of his skull. But that valiant warrior,
mustering whatever life and strength was left in him, made a counter-attack in
which he embedded his sword like a spike in the belly of Ibeh Khan resulting in
his instantaneous death. But Sher Afghan too died at the same time. The grave of
Ibeh Khan is to be found beside the tomb of Bahram Saqqa in the village of
Yusuf Khan's fate
Five to six months later, Yusuf Khan, son of Husain
Shah, once mounted a she-elephant and proceeded on a stag hunt in Salim Abad
area. But as God willed it, all of a sudden a wild and detestable buffalo
appeared almost from nowhere on that hunting ground and made a violent charge on
the elephant which, while fleeing, hurtled down its rider in the dense forest.
He became a game for the brute and was killed.
In short, the nobles of this land could not be rescued
either by friends or by luck from the whirlpool of death in India, and the sun
of their career went down westward, far away in the horizon of oblivion:
[ verses ]
A few incidents pertaining to the commanders of that
land, such as Husain Khan, son of Yusuf Shah, and others have not been recorded
for being unwieldy for this brief account.
Aspersions on Governors
In short, such odious deeds resulted from Mirza 'Ali
Akbar Shahi's ill-advised statesmanship in this land that a group of
supplicants, seeking redress of their grievances, were forced to recount these
to the courtiers of Jehangir. The Emperor became displeased and objected [to his
misdeeds]. Mirza 'Ali Akbar Shahi was dismissed as Governor of that land and the
office passed on to Nawwab Qalij Khan. The administration of the State of
Kashmir was entrusted to Haidar Malik Chadura and he was given freedom to run
its affairs as he desired fit, so that people in Kashmir were meted out justice
and equity under imperial rule. They were thus liberated from the onslaughts of
Haidar Malik eulogised
Haidar Malik took special care for the development and
progress of these lands. He turned his attention to the economy of the country
in a way that eatables like food grains, pulses, etc., were made available to
the rich and the poor in plenty. The title of Chaghatai was conferred on him. He
undertook the onerous task of ensuring public welfare and providing efficient
administration to common people as well as the nobles of the land:
[ verses ]
In the course of these events, Raja Man Singh did on
the seventh of Jumada al-Ukhra in the year [sic]. The chronogram commemorating
the event of his death runs as this ---
Abu'l- Ma'ali's assignment
Miran Sayyid Abu'l-Ma'ali was in the service of Raja
Man Singh for twenty-four years during the reign of Akbar. During this period he
exhibited extraordinary feats of bravery, which is an inherent trait in the
noble clan of Hashimites. He took active part in numerous battles fought against
the enemies of His Imperial Majesty, from which he always emerged victorious
with the grace of God. He lived his days in comport and pleasure enjoying trust
and respect [of the Emperor] to a remarkable extent. After the death of Akbar,
he, along with Haidar Malik, came to present himself before Emperor Jehangir.
Through his perceptive genius, Jehangir Padishah found
in Miran Sayyid Shah Abu'l-Ma'ali merit and ability, bravery and dauntlessness
and, therefore, extended to him special royal favours by conferring a high rank
on him. He was allowed a jagir along with Sayyid Ibrahim Khan in the sirkar of
Sindh and was permitted to proceed thither.
Miran Sayyid, himself a man of parts, conducted himself
towards the learned men of Thatta in such a commendable way that they loved him
more than their own selves. They considered his arrival in that land as nothing
short of a providential boon and a blessing. The date of his arrival in the
sirkar of Thatta has been found in the chronogram 'abr-i rahmat amad nagehan'.
[ verses ]
The chronogram recording the date of completion of this
chronicle is 'Nameh-e Shahan-i Kashmir'.
1. Hasan writes that people of all ranks and positions
in the city of Srinagar came out to receive Yusuf Shah at Barthana. Mulla
Muhammad Amin Mustaghni found this apt verse of Hafiz by way of an augury:
Yusuf-e gamgashteh baz ayad ba kan on gham makhor
kulbeh-e ehzan shavad ruzi gulistan gham ma khor
Speaking about the second tenure of Yusuf Shah's
regime, Hasan writes that he strove very hard to eradicate corrupt practices [in
matters of religion] (bid'at) which had taken root in earlier days. He paid
visits to the graves of the saints and derived benefit from the company of the
elderly Shaykhs. Once he visited Baba Hardi Reshi barefooted. THK. p. 315.
Commenting on the same subject, Malik Haidar writes that unjust taxes imposed on
some sections of people, were abolished by him. Corvee (begar) exacted from
people by forcing them to proceed on journey without receiving remuneration was
also abolished. Taxes on fruit-bearing trees and on craftsmen were also
abolished. See TMH. MS. f. 72b.
2. This theme has been borrowed from Jami's Lawayeh.
atiu'llah wa atiu'rrasul wa ulu'l amr minkum.
4. Husi Chak was captured in the pargana of Bengil, and
Muhammad Khan in Baramulla by a thanedar. TMH. MS. f. 71b
dil-e pur dard-i man jann basan-e ghuncheh pur khun ast
chih berahmi na pursidi kih ahwal-e dilat chun ast
ba avsh kush kih ta chesh mizani barham
khazanat mi rasad-o nawbahar mi guzarad
man dar andesheh kih chun saveh kunam bar sar-i u
u dar an gham kih chisan mikanad az bonyadam
8. To Punjab in THK. p. 315.
9. After Yusuf Shah's victory at Sopor, Haidar Chak
escaped to Tibet. Later he appeared in Kishtwar and often fought against the
local thanedars. After four years of wandering, he went to the Indian plains and
appealed to Raja Ram Singh of Lahore for assistance. The Raja showed him respect
and consideration and granted him a jagir in Nowshehra. See TMH MS. f. 72a.
10. Present Vutrus. See Rajat. vii. 1254; Vol. II, p.
11. Raja Man Singh was displeased with Yusuf Shah for
leaving his court without seeking formal permission from him. See THK. p. 318.
12. The chronicler does not tell us anything about the
secret understanding that was between Yusuf Shah and Man Singh; there is a
definite hint to the effect that there must have been some agreement between the
two which Yusuf Shah appears to have violated. This points to a guess that
perhaps the chronicler is deliberately withholding some information. By and
large, he adopts the method of telling us about such secret deals and compacts,
but never spells the terms of agreement.
kih gar kar bandi pashiman shavi
kih gar kar bandi pashiman shavi
14. Hasan says that the administration of Nowshehra and
Bhimber was entrusted to him. See THK. p. 318.
15. Khwaa Qasim continued flattering Yusuf Shah. At one
stage the latter got annoyed with him for flattering him and reprimanded him a
number of times. See TMH. p. 318.
16. Malik Haidar writes that the names of Akbar's
emissaries to Yusuf Shah were Mirza Tahir and Saleh'Aqil. The contents of the
letter they brought him from the Emperor were: "If you are relieved of the
anxiety caused by the enemy, and if the domain has been occupied, you should
present yourself at the imperial court." See TMH. MS. f. 72b. But Hasan
gives the extract from the letter as follows: Royal patronage and attention were
given to you because the signs of sincerity and truthfulness were imprinted on
your face. Since the time of your departure to Kashmir, no report about the
affairs of the State has been sent to the concerned at the imperial court. Now
that it appears that the insurgents have been subdued, it is desired that the
report in question containing the facts be sent without any delay." See THK.
17. Fatehpore in THK. p. 319.
18. Malik Haidar says that Haidar Khan, the third son
of Yusuf Shah and not Ya'qub Khan, the eldest son, was sent to Akbar's court.
The cowardly decision caused anguish to Kashmiri nobles and commanders who were
reminded of the contents of the letter salvaged from the debris of Parihasapora
after it was burnt by Mir Shamsu'd-Din 'Iraqi. It said that after a lapse of one
thousand and five hundred years, a man from 'Iraq would destroy that idol-house
.... During the reign of the Chaks, Kashmir would pass into the hands of the
Chaghatai rulers. See TMH. MS. ff. 73-74.
19. The ancient name of Afghanistan.
20. Whether Ya'qub got the permission to leave Bahlool
Pora is not clear, because subsequent details reveal that he had fled without
seeking formal permission. See note 23 infra.
21. Yusuf Shah was exceedingly annoyed with the
unbecoming behaviour of Ya'qub, and, in fact, wanted to get him arrested, but
the nobles interceded for him. See THK. pp. 319-20.
22. Mirza Tahir in TMH. MS. f. 72b.
23. Here is a contradiction. Elsewhere the author says
that Ya'qub left the imperial court after seeking due permission. Regarding
Ya'qub's flight from the imperial court, see also Akbar-Nama, Vol. III, p. 469.
24. There appears to be some confusion about which one
of the three sons of Yusuf Shah was sent to Akbar's court. Malik Haidar differs
from the chronicler by saying that the first delegation was headed by Mirza
Haidar Khan, the eldest son of Yusuf Shah. See TMH. MS. f. 73b.
25. Yusuf Shah received Hakim 'Ali, the emissary of
Akbar, with courtesy and was, in fact, inclined to present himself before the
Emperor at Lahore. But he was dissuaded from doing so by his nobles. See THK. p.
320. Elaborating on this, Malik Haidar says that the nobles argued that even
after a lapse of few centuries the effect of Zulchu's incursion had not gone off
completely. The Mughals could pose a greater threat to them. They added that by
succumbing to the incursionists, they would risk the stigma of cowardice. For
more details, see TMH. MS. f. 74b.
26. For Drang see Rajat. vii, 140M; Vol. II, p. 399.
Hasan thinks that it was Kishanganga river which the Mughal troops had crossed.
See THK. p. 322.
27. Hasan says that Yusuf Shah despatched Abu'l Ma'ali
and Husain Chak via Khohvur route, and Shams Chak, Ya'qub Khan, Lohar Qurchi,
Baba Talib Isfahani, Hasan Bhat, Hasan Malik Chadura and the feudal lords of
Khakha and Buma clans together with a large force under their command to take up
their position at Bulyasa. See THK. p 322.
28. The disaster which befell the Mughal army is subtly
alluded to in the letter sent by Raja Bhagwan Das to Yusuf Shah through Shapur
Khan. The extract reproduced from Akbar Nama says: However, even if the imperial
troops have met with disaster as a result of the wrath of God Almighty, the
great monarch will send back a hundred thousand troops and this land will be
trampled under the feet of elephants. You ought to realise the consequences
which your attitude will lead to. See THK. p. 324.
29. Hasan says that the Raja had laid down in the
agreement that in case Yusuf Shah agreed to proceed to the imperial court along
with him, he would be shown special favours and a robe of honour would be
presented to him. He would also be assured of the governance of his kingdom and
nothing would be reduced from his power and authority. These would remain the
same as in the past. See THK. p. 324. However, Malik Haidar makes no mention of
any commitment made by the Raja.
30. Malik Haidar states that Isfahani was not a
Kashmiri. TMH. MS. f. 77a.
31. The plunderers were Khakhas (Khasas of Rajat.), See
THK. p 325.
32. Hasan says that the Mughals initiated this move on
the behest of Yusuf Shah. See THK. p. 325.
33. Hasan writes that Raja Bhagwan Das also arranged
the marriage of Ya'qub Shah with the daughter of Mubarak Khan Khakhar (Ghakkar)
See THK. p. 325.
34. Malik Haidar says that on reaching Pakhli, Yusuf
Shah was put in chains till the Raja brought him to the presence of His Majesty.
See TMH. MS. f. 77b.
35. From Attock, Yusuf Shah was sent to Lahore under
the escort of Ram Das Kachhwaha and then he remained a prisoner of Raja Todar
Mal for two years. Malik Haidar also states that afterwards when Raja Man Singh
returned from Kabul, he interceded for him and succeeded in seeking his release
from prison. See THK. p. 326, and TMH MS. f. 77b.
36. Present Achhabal in district Anantnag.
37. Naji Raina was the Zamindar of Bartal (Bal thal).
See THK. p. 420.
38. Qadi Musa descended from Qadi Mir 'Ali. His house
was of the dispensers of justice in Kashmir since the days of Qadi Ibrahim.
39. Quoting Malik Haidar (TMH. MS f. 81a), and Muhummad
'Azam (Waqat-e-Kashmir pp. 99-100), Hasan writes that the root cause of the
tragedy was one Mulla 'Aini who had persuaded Ya'qub Shah to get the sentence
Ali waliu'llah incorporated in the Muslim call for prayer. But Qadi Musa, the
upholder of Sunni tradition did not oblige him. He was, therefore, accused of
collaborating with Shams Chak. He was martyred in the court and his dead body
was tied to the tail of an elephant and dragged along the streets. As it reached
near the door of his house, his mother covered it with a veil and thanked God
for making him a martyr. At the end of the day there appeared a dreadful storm
which brought hail and torrential rain of such an intensity that many pregnant
women aborted and many children were killed by thunder. A thunderbolt which fell
on the house of Ya'qub Khan paralysed the wife of Ali Dar and four women in the
household. See THK. p 331.
40. Nobles such as Shams Chak, Malik Muhammad Hasan
Chadura, and 'Alisher Magray deserted Ya'qub Shah and proceeded towards the
Indian mountains. However, they were dissuaded by Malik Muhammad Hasan from
going onwards and turned back to Kashmir where, after seven days of sporadic
fighting, Baba Khalil and Shaykh Hasan intervened to stop the fighting between
the two groups. It was decided that the area beyond Sopor to the right bank of
river Jhelum would be ceded to the nobles. However, the parties did not stick to
the agreement, and Ya'qub marched at the head of a formidable force towards
Sopor. His opponents did not feel that they were strong enough to resist him.
See TMH. MS. f. 79b.
41. Among these were Haidar Chak and Shaykh Ya'qub. See
TMH. MS. f. 79b. But Hasan gives the names Shaykh Ya'qub Sarfi and Baba Da'ud
Khaki. See THK. p. 332.
42. Yusuf Khan Baihaqi in THK. p. 332.
43. Hasan's revealing statement is that Baihaqi had to
employ cunning and guile to get these things. See THK p. 333.
44. Present Kitshom, the site of ancient Krtyasrama
Vihara, See Rajat. i, 147n.
45. Hasan writes that Ya'qub Shah's action to release
Shamsi Chak and Muhammad Bhat encouraged the masses to set on fire the khanqah
at Zadibal, desecrate the grave of Shams 'Iraqi and plunder the houses of the
Shias. The destruction of the Shias continued for three days. See THK. p. 334.
46. majma'-e serat wa suluk
47. 'Those areas' refer to Kashmir. It appears that
this portion of the chronicle was written by the author when he was outside
48. On Pir Pantsal route. See Rajat. i, 302n.
49 Keterbal/Kenzbal in TMH. MS. ff. 80a-81a and
Kunehbal in THK. p. 334.
50. In pargana Ular. See THK. p. 419.
51. Gir in Hasan. The name of its Zamindar was Yusuf
Shee. See THK. p. 419.
52. The mountain ranges of Naji Raina: this is not
clear. Perhaps the name Nayak ranges also applies to the same mountain.
53. For more details see Ma'athiru'1-Umara, Vol. III,
54. This happened in A.D. 1586. THK p. 420n.
55. Gasu in Hasan. THK. p. 420.
56. For details see THK. pp. 420-21.
57. For details about Qasim Khan's defeat by the
Kashmiries, see TMH. MS. f. 83b and THK. pp. 422-23.
58. Salah-i ma hameh anast kan turast salah.
59. Hasan says that Ibeh Khan established contact with
Prince Salim. He severed relations with Ya'qub Khan, and on the instance of
Yusuf Khan proceeded to Delhi, where he became a courtier of Prince Salim. THK.
60. Invariably the chronicler piles up details without
providing linkages of any kind. In this case, it seems the possible link between
the two sentences is that Yusuf Khan desired to continue staying on in Kashmir
and, therefore, created conditions in which he could make himself look
indispensable. That is why under various pretexts he started the policy of
liquidating Kashmiri commanders.
61. In fact, Yusuf Khan had proceeded to the imperial
court leaving behind his brother Baqir Khan in charge of Kashmir. His courtier,
Usta Lolo Najjar made Baqir Khan apprehend an uprising and insurgency by the
Kashmiri nobles, THK. p. 430.
62. It took place in A.D. 1587. For details regarding
the route adopted by the royal entourage, repairs of bridges and hewing of
boulders etc., see Akbar Nama, Vol. III, p. 537 et seq. Akbar's arrival in
Kashmir was an unprecedented pageant for Kashmiris who brought numerous presents
to His Majesty.
63. Yusuf Khan Rizvi contrived to secure the orders of
His Majesty to return to Kashmir.
64. This is quite an apparent error of logic.
65. makun ta tawani ba najins mel chu masti kih afi
nihad dar baghal.
66. Also see THK. p. 436.
66. This sentence is rather evasive because as it is
the stars of the Emperor could have no effect on him. The chronicler seems to
suppress some vital information.
67. It has not been able to find out the terms of
agreement between Akbar and Ya'qub Shah.
68. Present-day Biswak in Bihar.
69. Hasan writes that two revenue officers registered
free lands as state-owned and decided to make cash payment of allowances to
soldiers on account of fodder for their horses. This caused dissatisfaction to
those who were in the habit of misappropriating state lands because they could
not continue their corrupt practices. See THK. p. 436.
70. Ancient Matsya-Bhavan. See Akbar Nama Vol. III, p.
71. For details, see Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. III, pp.
72. Now Baba Shukuru'd-Din hill-top between Khuihama
and Sopor. In ancient times, Raja Prahlad had built the Prateswara temple here.
It was called Bosangari. See THK. p. 226.
73. Imaghan in pargana Aedwan. This pargana was
rehabilitated by Raja Swarna (1245 Loukika) in which he ordered the digging of a
canal called Sonehman. See THK p. 72 and 447.
74. For details see THK p. 450n, and Ma'athiru'l-Umara,
Vol. III, pp. 355-57.
75. Four chosen companions of Prophet Muhammad, viz.
Abu Bakar, 'Umar, 'Uthman and 'Ali.
76. For more details about the story of Sher Aghan's
killing see Tuzak-i-Jehangiri, p. 55, TMH. MS. f. 95 and THK. pp. 462 et seq.
77. After the death of Raja Man Singh, Miran Sayyid
came to Kashmir and was approached by many members of Chak clan. But 'Etiqad
Khan, the Mughal governor, sent him to His Majesty who ordered him to go to
Sindh where he was provided a jagir of twenty-five thousand rupees. THK p. 481.
This seems to be another example of Mughal diplomacy. ***
The End ***