The Abdullah DynastyThe
vexing problem of Kashmir has not burst upon the scene as a sudden phenomenon
but is the outcome of folly after folly committed by the Indian leadership
which has a pathetic proclivity to ignore realties and then to seek refuge
in clichés in face of trouble. With partition of the country into India
and Pakistan in 1947, five hundred odd princely states and principalities,
were given the option to choose between India and Pakistan. However, on
August 12, the Maharaja of Jammu & Kashmir offered to execute a Standstill
Agreement with India and Pakistan "on all matters . . . pending settlement
of details and formal execution of fresh agreement." While Pakistan signed
the Standstill Agreement, India wanted the Maharaja or his representative
to come to Delhi "for negotiating Standstill Agreement between his State
and the Indian dominion".
spite of signing the agreement, Pakistan imposed an economic blockade,
cutting off supplies of essential commodities such as foodgrains, salt,
sugar, tea and petrol to the Valley. In October 1947, having succeeded
in creating acute scarcity of essential commodities in the Valley, it sent
in Afridi - desperadoes and soldiers in plain clothes - with modern weapons
to Poonch, Mirpur, Bhimbher and Kotli area in the Jammu region, and Muzaffarabad,
Karnah and Uri in the Kashmir region with the intention of annexing the
State of Jammu & Kashmir to itself. The Maharaja's forces could not
resist the premeditated Pakistani aggression by proxy. Moreover, most of
the Muslim soldiers of the Army of J&K State had deserted their ranks
to join the aggressors and killed the loyal Hindu soldiers of the State
the melodrama, Prof Bal Raj Madhok - a prominent politician, who was at
that time vice-principal of D.A.V. College at Srinagar - wrote in his book,
Kashmir: The Storm Centre of the World: "The Pak invasion was to be launched
from Abbotabad side on October 21. Srinagar was to be captured by October
25, so that Jinnah may celebrate Id-ul-Zuha at Srinagar. An attempt was
also to be made on the life of the Maharaja on October 24, when he was
expected to go in a procession to Batmaloo ground for Vijaya Dashmi celebrations.
A similar plan had been prepared for Jammu also."
the Pakistani invaders reached the outskirts of Srinagar and snuffed out
its power supply, the beleaguered Maharaja appealed for military aid from
India. He also offered to accede to the Indian Union, which was accepted
by the then Governor General of India, Lord Mountbatten, on October 27,
1947. However, in his reply to the Maharaja's request, Lord Mountbatten
added a rider: "As soon as law and order has been restored in Kashmir and
its soil cleared of the invader, the question of State's accession should
be settled by a reference to the people..."
Waqt bhi dekha hai
committed at the spur of a moment proved to be a curse and punishment for
ke gaharaiyon men,
ne khata ki
ne saza pai
to Prof. Madhok the offer of plebiscite was uncalled for, irrelevant to
the situation and illegal. He said, "There was no provision in the Instrument
of Accession about it. It was outside the ambit of the Act of Indian Independence
of the British Parliament. It was never accepted by the Maharaja, who had
absolute choice in the matter. Neither was it demanded by Sheikh Abdullah
nor by any other leader of the State".
the time of independence, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and other National Conference
leaders were behind the bars, imprisoned for launching the 'Quit Kashmir'
movement against the autocratic rule of the Hindu Maharaja. However, on
persistent intervention of Mahatma Gandhi, who visited the State from August
1 to 4 in 1947, and other Congress leaders, the Sheikh was released on
September 29. The Muslim League leaders, including Mohammad Ali Jinnah,
who was the first Governor-General of Pakistan, had consistently opposed
the freedom movement of Kashmir, branding it a goonda movement.
National Conference leadership under the guidance of Sheikh Abdullah decided
to defer the issue of accession till the State was granted a responsible
government. In the meantime, National Conference leaders - Bakshi Ghulam
Mohammad and Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq who were at the time of partition in
Lahore (they were later to succeed Sheikh Abdullah as Prime Minister and
Chief Minister of J & K State following his ouster from power in 1953)
- were asked to act as emissaries and contact the Muslim League leaders
and Communist supporters of Pakistan to bring about a rapprochement between
the Sheikh and Jinnah. However, despite their best efforts, they failed
in their mission as Jinnah and his Prime Minister, Liaqat Ali Khan, did
not agree to meet Sheikh Abdullah. Jinnah, indeed, had already publicly
declared: "Kashmir is going to fall in my lap like a ripe apple in any
and the Sheikh had strained their relations in June 1944, when the former
visited Kashmir. During the visit, he was given public receptions by various
political parties of the State. The Sheikh personally welcomed him to the
Valley and held long private talks. But on the second day, Jinnah, at a
huge congregation at the Jama Masjid in Srinagar, asked the Sheikh to wind
up the National Conference and in an intemperate language, accused the
Sheikh (who used to be called by his supporters as the Lion of Kashmir)
of double-think and double-talk. An infuriated Sheikh lashed out at Jinnah
and asked the National Conference workers to see him out of the Valley.
Following this incident Jinnah was not able to address any public meeting
. . The Sheikh had already sent his family to Indore for safety (at that
time). He himself slipped away to Delhi before any action on the Maharaja
's request for help was taken by the Government of India which decided
to send its Secretary to the Ministry of States, V.P. Menon, to get first-hand
information. He flew to Srinagar on October 25. He soon realized the gravity
of the situation. He, therefore, advised the Maharaja to leave immediately
for Jammu to be out of reach of Pakistani invaders. This was a timely and
correct advice because the aid could be sent from India only after the
Maharaja had acceded to India by signing the Instrument of Accession. That
he could not have done, had he fallen in the hands of Pakistani invaders.
The Maharaja left Srinagar for Jammu that very night and Menon and Mehar
Chand Mahajan, the Prime Minister to the Maharaja, flew to New Delhi.
receiving the report from Menon, the Government of India felt inclined
to go to the rescue of the State. Menon flew back to Jammu with the Instrument
of Accession. He woke up the Maharaja, who was fast asleep following a
night-long drive from Srinagar. Menon has recorded in his book, Integration
of States, that before going to sleep the Maharaja had left instructions
with his A.D. C. that 'If I (Menon) came back from Delhi, he was not to
be disturbed as it would mean that the Government of India had decided
to come to his rescue and he should, therefore, be allowed to sleep in
peace, but that if I failed to return, that meant everything was lost.
In that eventuality, the A.D.C. was to shoot him in his sleep'.
Maharaja at once signed the Instrument of Accession and also handed over
a letter for Lord Mountbatten, the then Governor-General of India, informing
him that it was his intention to set up an interim Government at once and
to ask Sheikh Abdullah to carry the responsibilities in the emergency with
Mehar Chand Mahajan, his Prime Minister.
Patel, the then Home Minister in the Government of India, in his anxiety
for the State, had been waiting at Delhi airport for the return of Menon.
But Nehru and Lord Mountbatten were hesitant. It was not before Mahajan,
who was aware that every minute counted if about a lakh of Hindus in Srinagar
were to he saved from total annihilation, threatened to proceed to Karachi
and surrender Kashmir to Jinnah to secure safety of Hindus that Nehru 's
reluctance could be overcome.
was interested only in Kashmir Valley. His sole ambition was to become
master and arbiter of Kashmir. He neither had any interest not any stake
in other parts of that far flung kingdom (including Jammu and Ladakh regions).
attitude about accession to India or Pakistan was also guided by this one
over-riding ambition and consideration. As a realist he knew that his followers
were emotionally inclined towards Pakistan. As an Islamic fundamentalist
his own intuitive sympathy was for Pakistan. The tenor and tone of his
autobiography Atish-i-Chinar point to his aversion for Hindus and the Hindu-majority
parts of the State. All through his biography, he has referred to Anantnag,
a district headquarters in southern Kashmir as Islamabad.
the same time, he was equally sceptical about his own future in the case
of accession of the State to Pakistan. He himself has given a vivid account
of the talks he had with two representatives of Pakistan, Dr. Mohammad
Din Tashir and Sheikh Sadiq Hassan, president of the Punjab Muslim League,
who visited Srinagar on the eve of the Pak Aggression (by proxy). They
tried to persuade him to put his might for accession of the State to Pakistan.
Instead of giving a clear reply, he equivocated. He rather wanted a clear
assurance for himself before taking any positive decision in favour of
accession to Pakistan. Both of them invited the Sheikh to visit Lahore
and have direct talks with Jinnah. The Sheikh accepted the invitation.
before going to Pakistan he had to go to Delhi to preside over the State's
People's Conference of which he had been elected the president. He was
in Delhi when the Pak attack on Kashmir began on October 21. He addressed
a Press conference at Delhi the same day, in which he blamed the Maharaja's
Government for repression in Poonch but did not utter a word against Pak
raiders who had created insurgency there.
his own admission the Sheikh was in Delhi on October 25-26 when Mehar Chand
Mahajan reached there to plead for immediate acceptance of accession and dispatch
of Indian troops to save Srinagar from falling into the hands
of invaders. There is no authentic information about the Sheikh's whereabouts from October 22 to 24. Even if he had returned to Kashmir he must have
maintained a studied silence.
was at the residence of Nehru in New Delhi on October 26 when a crucial
meeting about accession was held there. He did not take part in the meeting
but overheard what transpired in that from a side room.
been apprised of the situation, the Sheikh now desperately favoured the
State's accession to India. He pleaded fervently with Jawaharlal Nehru,
India's Prime Minister, to accept the request of the Maharaja for accession
and to send the Army to Srinagar. He even opposed the 'reference to people'
justifiably claiming that he represented the people of the Valley as head
of the National Conference - the only political organisation in the State
which commanded unquestioned support in the entire Valley irrespective
of communal line-ups.
a justification of the havoc wreaked upon the unfortunate populace of the
Valley by the Pathan aggressors, Lamb said that "parties of tribesmen looted
the markets in Muzaffarabad, where there were many Hindu and Sikh shopkeepers
during this period. They also attacked Christian premises, notably in
but added "it might be expected from warriors engaged in what they saw
as a jehad (a holy war) . . . Any incidental savagery by these men would
pale into insignificance when compared to what had taken place both in
Punjab and Jammu at the time of the partition (with as many as 160,00,000
refugees and 5,00,000 killed in communal violence). There can be no doubt
that for those in the way, Pathans on the warpath is bad news . . . The
significance of the Pathan atrocities is to be found less in their alleged
magnitude than in the great publicity given to the time and ever since.
Indian 1948 White Paper concentrates on the horrors of the attack on Baramulla,
on the road a few miles to the west of Srinagar. Other atrocity stories
reported in the White Paper in fact relate to later atrocities in the war
and other sectors; and they have no bearing upon the nature of the initial
tribal advance towards Srinagar from Domel. Even in Baramulla, according
to the White Paper, accounts of what happened vary. One source claims that
3,000 inhabitants were killed, many of them Hindus.
American journalist, Robert Trumbull, reporting for The New York Times
from Baramulla on Nov. 10, 1947, two weeks after the attack, reported that
only '1,000 were left of a normal population of about 14,000'. This has
been interpreted by Indian writers to mean that up to 13,000 people were
killed in Baramulla. In fact, of course, it meant no more than that the
majority of the town's people had gone away, as one would expect in the
circumstances. If one applied the refugee-killed ratio of partition to
Trumbull's Baramulla statistics, one would come up with something like
400 killed, a reasonable figure in the light of other sources.
facts should be remembered when considering any account of the tribal operation
of October 1947. First - the Indian side committed its share of atrocities
in the process of repelling the 'invaders'. This is well enough documented,
albeit rarely mentioned in the literature of the Kashmir dispute. Second
- the Kashmiri casualties suffered in 1947 were certainly far less than
those which have been inflicted upon the inhabitants of the Valley of Kashmir
by the Indian security forces since 1989."(Kashmir: A Disputed Legacy 1846-1990,
Alastair Lamb p. 143-144)
strange parallels has Lamb drawn. He justifies the savagery of the Pathans.
And, he does not make clear on whom the Indian side committed its share
of atrocities in the process of repelling the invaders.
is not a shred of doubt that the tribals' invasion on Kashmir and Jammu
was engineered by Pakistan which could not send its Army for the operation
as it was then under the command of a British officer. In June, 1947 began
in Poonch, an area in the Jammu region, a no-tax campaign which rapidly
developed into a secessionist movement. This was greatly reinforced by
a crisis throughout most of Poonch when on August 14 and 15 people tried
to unfurl the Pakistani flag, held public demonstrations and celebrate
the 'Pakistan Day', in defiance of the Maharaja's orders.
a justification of the rebel action, Lamb purported that the Kashmir Day
had been observed on August 14 since 1931, while the fact is that the Kashmir
Day is observed on July 13. Martial law was imposed. The Maharaja's Government,
well aware of the danger brewing in Poonch, had already ordered all Muslims
in the State (Jagir) to hand over their firearms and ammunition to the
authorities. In reaction, fresh supplies of weapons were sought from across
the frontier. By the beginning of September, bands of Poonch-men rose up
in arms, equipped with weapons obtained from Pakistan. They were also being
joined by small groups of volunteers from across the west bank of the Jhelum.
By this time, others in authority in Pakistan had begun to take an active,
though claimed to be unofficial, interest in the Poonch revolt. A Pakistani
soldier, Colonel Akhtar Khan - later to become a senior commander in the
second Indo-Pakistan war over Kashmir in 1965 under the pseudonym 'General Tariq' - records a meeting with the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Liaqat
Ali Khan, and a number of other Pakistani ruling elites, including the
Finance Minister, Ghulam Mohammad, and the Governor of West Punjab Government,
Sardar Shaukat Hyal Khan, during which practical steps to aid the rebels
Lamb concludes that the evidence tends to confirm that Jinnah was kept
entirely isolated from such discussions until mid-September though elsewhere
in the same book he writes that K.P.S. Menon, the Indian Ambassador to
China, was aware of these developments and informed his Government. When
even Menon in Peking was aware, how could Jinnah, the head of Pakistan,
be unaware? In the meantime, Pakistan resorted to an economic blockade
of Kashmir Valley, proffering a lame excuse for the short supply of essential
commodities - any fall in the supplies was probably due to such factors
as the reluctance of lorry drivers to cross border tracts between J &
K State and Pakistan which were then ravaged by communal violence. Pakistan
sent Major (later Colonel) A. S. B. Shah (at that time Joint Secretary
in the Pakistan Ministry of Foreign Affairs which was also responsible
for matters relating to the State of J & K) to discuss the improvement
in supply routes from Pakistan. Instead, Shah brought with him a blank
Instrument of Accession to Pakistan which he hoped the Maharaja would fill
up and append his signature to.
September 29, Sheikh Abdullah was released from detention. A few days later
other National Conference leaders also gained their freedom. The Instrument
of Accession was signed by the Maharaja on October 26 and the Indian troops
followed the next day to drive out the invaders from J & K. The Indian
Constitution did not justify any rider such as reference of accession to
the people at a later stage in an Instrument of Accession. India referred
the issue to the United Nations on whose intervention both the forces ceased
firing and a cease-fire line, to be supervised by UN observers, was agreed
upon between India and Pakistan.
took over as the Chief Emergency Officer of the State as the Instrument
of Accession was signed. He continued in that office till March 25, 1948
when under the oath of loyalty to India he became the Prime Minister with
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq, Mirza Mohammad Afzal Beg,
Shyam Lal Saraf, Girdhari Lal Dogra, Sardar Budh Singh and Colonel Pir
Mohammad Khan comprising the Cabinet.
sooner did the Indian Army clear large portions of the State of the Pak
invaders and cease-fire was agreed to (in January 1949), than the Sheikh
started demanding the Maharaja's ouster and a special status for Kashmir
in the name of 'Muslims of the Valley' or 'The Muslim character of the
State'. He succeeded in extracting a number of concessions such as a separate
constitution and a separate flag for the State, besides different nomenclatures
for its head of the State and head of the Government. The head of the State
was to be known as Sadr-i-Riyasat, while the head of the Government was
to be called Prime Minister. The Indian Government even agreed to incorporate
a special provision - Article 370 - in the Constitution in the name of
safeguarding the xenophobic demands of the Sheikh.
a triumphant mood, the Sheikh ordered elections for a Constituent Assembly
to frame a constitution for the State. Overplaying his cards, he got 73
members elected unopposed to the Assembly and engineered the defeat of
two opposition candidates from the Jammu region. This lead to a virtual
one party rule in the State which further alienated the residents of the
of being completely ignored and sidelined as well as misgoverned, the people
of Jammu launched a strong agitation against the J&K Government and
Congress policies, under the leadership of Pandit Prem Nath Dogra, a respected
leader of the region. Raising the slogan of "Ek Vidhan, Ek Pradhan, Ek
Nishan" (one constitution, one Prime Minister and one flag), the Praja
Parishad - the organisation that spearheaded the agitation - called for
the extension of all provisions of the Constitution of India to the State.
Sheikh Abdullah's Government came down heavily on the agitation which resulted
in the martyrdom of 40 Praja Parishad activists. The Sheikh dubbed the
agitators as communal even though a large number of Muslims from the Jammu
region had participated in it.
Kashmir, too, the National Conference Government was accused of corruption
and maladministration by a large section of its own workers and leaders.
Disenchantment soon set in because of the Sheikh's strong-arm methods of
governance, in utter disregard of democratic norms and values. As discontentment
started to simmer, the Sheikh's popularity as well as his political base
began to erode fast.
to stem the rot in the State, which was of his own creation despite the
unquestioned love and affection accorded to him by the people in the Valley,
Sheikh Abdullah dug up the buried issue of the State's accession to India.
He adopted a new stance of denigrating India and began to convey to Kashmiri
Muslims that their woes were not because of misrule or corruption but due
to the accession to India.
the tragic death of Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherji, founder president of the
Bharatiya Jan Sangh, who was under detention in Kashmir, rocked not only
Kashmir but also the whole of India. He had been detained for entering
the State without a permit which every Indian, living outside the State,
was required to obtain. He died in detention under mysterious circumstances.
The permit system was subsequently withdrawn, but only after the loss.
leaders of the National Conference, including Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad -
who was the Deputy Prime Minister in the Sheikh's Government - G.M. Sadiq,
Maulana Sayeed and D.P. Dhar resented the shifting stance of the Sheikh
and addressed public meetings and party workers, opposing the diabolical
turn in the stand of the Sheikh. A number of Congress leaders visited Srinagar
to persuade Sheikh Abdullah but their attempts proved in vain. In his arrogance
the Sheikh went as far as insulting Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, India's Education
Minister, publicly at an Idgah gathering in Srinagar. The Sheikh even held
meetings with foreign diplomats and dignitaries such as U. S. Ambassadors
to India - Henderson and Adlai Stevenson. Such developments caused anxiety
in the minds of the people. Even the Communist Party of India, which was
in favour of accession of Kashmir to Pakistan in 1947, flayed the Sheikh
for playing into the hands of 'imperialist' powers. Some people demanded
action against the Sheikh for his irresponsible acts and demanded his ouster.
Throughout June and July 1953, the Sheikh continued to fulminate against
the Centre and made attempts to arouse anti-Delhi sentiments, refusing
even to meet India's Prime Minister. He was under the impression that the
Government of India would once again succumb to his pressure tactics and
accept his demands, however unreasonable they might have been.
the grave situation that had arisen, the Sadr-i-Riyasat (as the Governor
in that State was called) and the Union Government in consultation with
some prominent National Conference leaders, decided to dismiss Sheikh Abdullah
and incarcerate him for secessionist activities.
Sheikh was succeeded by Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad as the Prime Minister of
the State. He was welcomed as the right choice. He released all political
prisoners put behind the bars by the Sheikh. His very first declaration
was the abolition of levy on peasants. He made education till University
free. He introduced subsidy on food and promised all-round development
of the State. It was during his time that planning was introduced in the
State and Central loans and assistance sought for economic development.
He kept his word as far as the development was concerned. A singular achievement
during his regime was the construction of the Banihal Tunnel on the
Highway which made it an all-weather national highway and reduced the distance
between the two major cities of the State.
with the development works came corruption which infected every walk of
life, extending patronage to vested interests. Corruption became rampant
as political supporters were pampered and opponents allured into silence
with money. A number of centres of extra-constitutional powers developed
and some even emerged as law unto themselves to browbeat their opponents.
While the Sheikh resorted to political blackmail, Bakshi came to be known
as a financial blackmailer, asking the Indian Government to dish out as
much money as possible in the name of keeping Kashmiri Muslims on the right
the Plebiscite Front came on the scene. It was an organisation of the supporters
of the Sheikh. It was formed in 1954 by Mirza Afzal Beg, a comrade-in-arms
of the Sheikh.
1957, G.M. Sadiq, Mir Qasim and G.L. Dogra, along with their Left-leaning
supporters, became disillusioned with the Bakshi and opposed his method
of governance, rampant corruption and strong-arm tactics of some of his
supporters. In October, they resigned from the National Conference and
formed a new political party known as the Democratic National Conference (DNC) which drew a number of young men into its fold. The formation of
the DNC resulted in a catharsis of pent-up feelings. It was for the first
time that a pro-India opposition in the Valley was able to galvanise people
on issues other than plebiscite.
Sheikh Abdullah was released from prison in January 1958, but he continued
to harbour the dream of an Independent Kashmir. He did not relent from
his anti-Delhi stand Attacking India - while having a good word for Pakistan
- in an interview to the Blitz, a weekly newspaper, he said that his release
was caused by international pressure on India. In his speeches at Srinagar
later, he lashed out at Bakshi for being ' unfaithful ' and assailed the
DNC and its leaders as 'Indian agents' and 'greater enemies' of Kashmir.
He was again arrested and charged along with his comrades with subversion
and sedition against the State.
about two years, the enthusiasm of some of the DNC leaders began to wane
and they rejoined the Bakshi camp. Nehru and other Congress leaders too,
persuaded the DNC leaders to dissolve the party and troop back to the National
Conference. Thus an opportunity was lost to maintain a platform for the
pro-India elements who were opposed to the National Conference. Such a
forum could have acted as a safety valve by letting people ventilate their
grievances and satisfy their democratic urges.
1963, under the Kamraj Plan, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was made to resign
as the Prime Minister of J & K. Bakshi got Shamsuddin, one of his staunch
supporters, elected in his place against the wishes of the Congress central
leaders. He wished to indulge in backseat driving. Shamsuddin, however,
could survive only for ninety-nine days in the wake of unrest following
the theft of the holy relic from the Hazratbal shrine. The crisis was defused
only after the restoration of the relic and its verification by religious
leaders. The agitation had turned against the Bakshi.
Congress leaders asked G.M. Sadiq to take over the reins of Government.
Sadiq came with his new policy of liberalisation, promising democratic
rights and seeking to win over volatile anti-India elements through discussion
and debate. Attempts were even made not to discriminate against the children
of the Plebiscite Front leaders and workers in matters of admission to
higher educational institutions and Government recruitment. A formula was
devised for admission in educational institutions and professional courses
on a majority-minority basis - the ratio being 70 per cent for Muslims
and 30 per cent for non-Muslims. Though such an approach helped to some extent in blunting the edge of the underground anti-India movement and
in neutralizing the youth who were provided with jobs, it encouraged a
large section of the separatists to come to the fore. Demonstrations against
India on an unprecedented scale became the order of the day and for the
first time the slogan - 'Indian dogs go back', was raised with impunity. Sadiq, too, resorted to the old stratagem of getting his party candidates
elected unopposed in a bid to win the elections.
Sadiq took a number of measures to bring the State into the national mainstream.
He was instrumental in getting the State constitution amended to have the
nomenclature of the Head of the State changed to Governor from Sadr-i-Riyasat
and that of the Head of the Government to Chief Minister (Wazir-e-Ala)
from Prime Minister (Wazir-e-Azam). The Governor was now to be appointed
by the President of India instead of being elected by the State Legislature.
Further, the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court was extended to the State
and several sections of the Indian Constitution were made applicable to
it. The National Conference was merged with the Indian National Congress.
Such steps helped in strengthening the political integration.
died in 1971, a few days before the conclusion of the third Indo-Pak war
and Syed Mir Qasim was sworn in as the Chief Minister. Although Qasim was
secular yet during his time overt and covert support to the rabid communal
organisations such as Jamaat-e-Islami, increased with the result that the
Jamaat could get five of its members elected to the State Assembly in 1972.
Anti-India forces gained in strength and the demand for plebiscite was
raised with renewed fervour and with greater vehemence and frequency.
this impression, Mir Qasim wrote: "The Jamaat-e-Islami was creating doubts
about the finality of Kashmir's accession to India. I told its leaders
that this party would not be allowed to fight the elections because it
had not accepted the accession. But they said that the impression was not
correct. The Jamaat candidates would take an oath of loyalty to the Constitution
of India as well as of Jammu & Kashmir.
also consulted Mrs. Indira Gandhi, Prime Minister of India, on the telephone
on the question of debarring the Jamaat from the elections. Mrs. Gandhi
said, no; it would create a difficult situation for her in the rest of
the country where the Hindu communal bodies like the Rashtriya Swayam Sewak
Sangh (RSS), too, would have to be disqualified for elections. She told
me she was already under pressure to ban the RSS. I said she could ban
both the RSS and the Jamaat and in Kashmir I would do the same. She said,
I called the Jamaat leaders to tell them that their nomination papers would
be rejected because they did not believe in the accession of Kashmir to
India. But they stated that while filing the nomination forms they would
take the oath of loyalty to the Indian as well as J&K constitutions.
Thus they could take part in elections.
won a few seats and my detractors accused me of having connived with the Jamaat. But I had not. We were not responsible in any way for their electoral
gains. Among the factors which favoured the Jamaat were attempts within
the Congress to let down some Congress candidates at the elections.
Congress won by a big majority conceding 17 seats to the Opposition - the
largest number the Opposition had so far got in the Kashmir Assembly. Out
of 74 seats, the Congress won 57, the Jamaat 5, the Jan Sangh 3, and Independents
9. A few Independents later joined the Congress."
1972, negotiations were initiated with Sheikh Abdullah and his colleague
Mirza Afzal Beg. Mir Qasim claims to have helped the Sheikh and the Centre
in signing the Kashmir Accord which saw the return of the Sheikh as the
Chief Minister in February 1975.
Abdullah was chosen as the leader of the House as Mir Qasim resigned to
pave the way for him. However, he was not elected as the leader of the
Congress Legislature Party. Even the Sheikh did not want it. The Congress
merely extended its support to him.
to it, Sheikh had spurned all efforts at reconciliation. But now that his
arch foes, Bakshi and Sadiq, were dead. (He had asked the people to dig
up Bakshi's grave and socially boycott latter's supporters and sympathisers.
It is a different matter that after the death of Sheikh Abdullah, terrorists
wanted to dig up the Sheikh's grave at Hazratbal and a round-the clock
vigil was kept to prevent it.) But with Pakistan's defeat in the 1971 war
and the emergence of Bangladesh, the Sheikh realized that he had no alternative
left but to come to terms with reality and accept what the accord offered
accepting the accord, the Sheikh had neither become a patriot overnight
nor had he forgotten the past and forgiven his detractors. But being in
power he could create difficulties for the Centre and this he did. His
first act was to make some Muslim legislators of the Congress to defect
to his side. Next, he cut off the subsidy given by the Centre on rations,
asking people to tighten their belts rather than eat food at subsidised
rates. He also reverted to his old game of double talk - criticising India
in front of his Kashmiri audiences and being his sweet reasonable self
while speaking to Indian newsmen or addressing audiences outside the Valley.
in the 1977 elections which have been described as fair and free by all
observers, Sheikh Abdullah refused to have an alliance with the Congress.
He had revived the National Conference. The Janata Party, which had come
to power at the Centre replacing Indira Gandhi, and the Congress, too fought
the elections. The Sheikh fought these elections on the issues of opening
the Jhelum Valley road to Rawalpindi, assuring the withdrawal of the Indian
Army from Kashmir and defeating "political parties of India". He revived
the old Sher-Bakra feud between his supporters and those of Maulvi Farooq,
the Mirwaiz of Kashmir.
supporters of the Sheikh were described as Sher (Lion), while those of
Mirwaiz used to be called Bakra (goat). After winning the elections, the
toughs of the National Conference gave a hard time to the Janata Party
supporters. Bakras had to flee their homes and seek shelter in safer places
to escape the wrath of the furious enthusiasts of the National Conference.
As for the Congress workers, the choicest epithets of 'vermin, insects,
worms crawling in the drains' were reserved for them.
the second phase of the Sheikh's rule (1977-'82) - which was the most peaceful
period - obscurantist forces were encouraged. The administration was Islamised
as far as possible. Friday prayers were offered in offices; cinema shows
on Friday were cancelled during Namaz times. Every conscious effort was
made to undermine the authority of the Indian union. Income-tax officials,
who came to inquire into cases of tax evasion by some big business houses
in Kashmir, were not only denied police assistance, but were also physically
manhandled by violent mobs organised by the goons of the ruling National
Conference. IAS officials from outside the State were given insignificant
postings, barring a few who did their biddings. Jamaat-e-Islami schools
were not taken over as the Sheikh had promised earlier. On the other hand,
lots of funds started pouring in from Pakistan and Arab countries for the
Jamaat and its front organisations as well as the Jamaat-Ahle-Hadis.
March 1980, the Jamaat-e-Islami played host to a delegation from Medina
University in Saudi Arabia. The delegation was lavishly entertained by
the Sheikh as well . Later, a member of the delegation, Professor Abdul Samad, felt encouraged to say at an open meeting al Hotel Lal Rukh (a State
Government-owned hotel at Srinagar), "For an Islamic revolution we have
to prepare the people individually and collectively. To achieve it we have
to make sacrifices." In September the same year, the Amir of Jamaat-e-Islami
of Pak-occupied Kashmir - Maulana Abdullah Bari - paid a visit to Kashmir
and publicly proclaimed that Kashmiris were not a party to the Simla Agreement.
It seemed that the Maulana had come to brief his counterpart in Kashmir
on General Zia's "Operation Topac". However, on the advice of the Central
Government, he was asked to leave the Valley within 24 hours.
a pretext or another a number of new police battalions were raised. Some
of these battalions recruited the Jamaat activists and even persons believed
to be from across the Line of Control.
an act of political expediency, the Sheikh resorted to Islamisation to
prove himself as a true Muslim to the Kashmiri Muslims. The Government
as well as Muslim Auqaf funds were spent on building impressive mosques
and beautifying areas surrounding them. Property worth crores of rupees
was built on Government land. The names of hundreds of Kashmiri villages
and towns were changed so as to obliterate the traces of history and culture.
Thus, the Sheikh helped, directly or indirectly, forces inimical to India
and its secular character. He spent his last years in power to make India
a suspect in the eyes of Kashmiri Muslims. That seems to be one of the
reasons why he described all Kashmiri Pandits as agents of Intellegence
Bureau (IB) in his autobiography Aatish-e-chinar and castigated Indian
secularism and Congress leaders. Incidentally, the book was awarded the
Sahitya Akademy Award.
Abdullah no longer trusted his people. He even fell out with his alter
ego, Mirza Afzal Beg. He did not have any confidence even in his son-in-law,
G. M. Shah, who remained with him through thick and thin. At the fag end
of his life, he declared his son, Dr. Farooq Abdullah, as his heir and
appointed him the president of the National Conference. Addressing a public
meeting to mark the occasion, he said, "I trust him and request you too
to help him in doing the job. Like me, he would not betray your trust.
What I have not been able to achieve, he will." Dr. Farooq adopted the
style of his father. In 1984 following his ouster from power at the hands
of his brother-in-law G. M. Shah, he did not hesitate in seeking the assistance
from subversives and secessionists.
September 1982, Sheikh Abdullah died and Dr. Farooq was made the Chief
Minister ignoring the claims of the seniors in the party and even without
taking the party legislators in confidence. Everything undemocratic was
done - silently and swiftly - with the blessings of Indira Gandhi, Farooq
being close to her son Rajiv.
Farooq's political education had started in U.K. where he came into contact
with a JKLF group that had close links with the British secret agencies.
He was in touch with the JKLF leader Amanullah Khan in London on the arrival
of the latter, who fled from Pakistan to evade arrest. During his visit
to Pakistan in 1973, Dr. Farooq went to Pak-occupied Kashmir and took an
oath to 'liberate' Kashmir in a ceremony organised by the JKLF. He also
administered such an oath to a number of other young men present there.
When Sheikh Abdullah had been accorded a reception in Kashmir after his
return to power, Dr. Farooq too had joined the procession along with a
number of his JKLF friends whom he had brought all the way from Britain
and raised a new slogan 'Chyon Desh, Myon Desh - Kashur Desh, Kashur Desh'
(Your country, my country - Kashmir, Kashmir.)
soon as he assumed office with the blessings of the Congress, he denounced
his father's ministerial colleagues at a public meeting right in their
presence and asked for the people's mandate to have a new team of 'honest
and trustworthy' ministers. Fed up with corruption, people shouted the
ministers down and made them run for their lives. Such freak characteristics
in the personality of Dr. Farooq continued to reflect throughout his political
told the gathering that he would never compromise 'the dignity and honour'
of Kashmiris, even if it meant 'fighting the mighty India'. Within three
months of coming to power, he showed his true colours and started taking
anti-Congress stance by aligning with the national opposition parties as
a tactical move to make his position comfortable. He allowed his State
to become a backyard of Punjab terrorists who poured in in large numbers.
accused India of fomenting communal trouble and declared that Kashmiri
Muslims were not safe in India. Before Indian political leaders and mediamen,
he always tried to present himself as an Indian patriot hounded by Indira
Gandhi and her Congress party; while in Kashmir, he joined hands with the
arch rival of the Abdullah family - Maulvi Farooq - and entered into a
pact called as the "Double Farooq" Accord.
the 1983 Assembly elections drew near, he started fulminating against India
in full swing and the Centre became a whipping boy, for every ill in the
Valley, at his hands. Addressing election meetings he said, "We are fighting
the Congress. Its defeat will mean the defeat of the Central power that
wants to subjugate Kashmiris." As usual, barring the solitary exception
of 1977, elections in Kashmir were rigged. Communal passions were aroused
to a frenzy. Dr. Farooq's party won most of the predominantly Muslim constituencies
on an anti-India and anti- Hindu platform, while the Congress was successful
in most of the Jammu areas by playing the Hindu card.
spite of his gimmicks, Dr. Farooq failed to create any impact as an administrator,
spending most of his time in pleasure pursuits. His cavalier attitude and
frivolous manner cost him his seat, as Mrs. Gandhi eased him out by engineering
defections with the help of G.M. Shah. Supported by the Congress, the defectors
formed a new Government in July 1984, though Governor Jagmohan had recommended
the dissolution of the State Assembly and imposition of the Governor's
installation as Chief Minister was another inglorious chapter in the political
history of Kashmir. No wonder, it proved costly for India. Even people
opposed to Dr. Farooq were not happy with Shah and his ways. During his
rule, the State slumped into chaos and confusion. Bomb blasts and subversion
became the order of the day and normal life frequently came to a standstill
due to frequent imposition of curfew . It is believed that it was the handiwork
of the JKLF activists, at the instigation of Dr. Farooq, to queer the pitch
installation of the Shah Government. which was a puppet in the hands of
the Congress (I), resulted in the growth of fundamentalist forces and separatist
tendencies besides evolution of the 'Ummet-e-Islamia' - comprising Jamaat,
Shia Rabita (contact) committee, the Islamic Study circle, Jamiat-e-Tulba
and certain segments of the Jamaat-Ahle-Hadis .
February 1986, riots broke out in southern Kashmir, particularly in Anantnag
district, against the minuscule minority of Kashmiri Pandits. Fundamentalists
went on a spree of loot and arson and desecration of temples to terrorise
the helpless Pandit community. Barring a handful of old nationalist Muslims,
none including the administration, came to the rescue of the victims. Any
stern action against the then Deputy Commissioner and Superintendent of
Police of Anantnag district was opposed by some religious hot-heads and
political extremists. The development provided an excuse to the Congress
(I) to withdraw support to the Shah Government. Shah fell as he could hold
the office only as long as the Congress (I) desired. Though arrogant he
was an able administrator.
this period when Dr. Farooq was out of power, he successfully feigned an
injured innocence and tried to gain the sympathy of the national opposition
leaders and the media. Like his father he had two faces to show the people.
His anti-India face was meant for his supporters, while he successfully
projected himself as a well-wisher of India to his friends in the opposition
as well as in the Congress.
Governor's rule came as a boon to the people who were fed up with corruption
and misgovernance. With the Governor in-charge, things started moving in
Kashmir. People's grievances got redressed without delay and corruption
eliminated to a large extent. The Governor attempted to make the officials
responsible for their jobs in order to solve the problems faced by the
common man. Problems such as scarcity of water and shortage of power -
that had been plaguing the State for years - were remedied. In a short
period of about six months, Jagmohan captured the hearts of the Kashmiri
people who were impressed by his administrative acumen. Yet, there were
some persons - politicians, power-brokers, black-marketeers, corrupt officials,
drug-peddlers and exploiters of all hues - who were not happy with him.
These people started ganging up and spreading canards against him. Some
called him 'a Muslim baiter' as his axe in the first take fell on corrupt
Hindu officials and some described him as a 'Hindu chauvinist who did a
lot of work for the Vaishno Devi shrine in the Jammu region, while some
recollected his Turkman Gate episode at Delhi during the Emergency. These
allegations, however, made little dent in the public opinion as people
for the first time saw things being done. Even Dr. Farooq, who was once
again sworn in as the Chief Minister following Farooq-Rajiv Accord, said
at the time of the oath-taking ceremony, "Governor Sahib, we would need
you very badly. It is indeed, amazing that such remarkable work could be
done by you in a short time through an imbecile and faction-ridden bureaucracy.
Please do not hesitate to pull my ears if I go wrong. If today three ballot
boxes are kept - one for the National Conference, one for the Congress
and one for you, your ballot box would be full, while the other two would
November 1986, the Governor's rule was brought to an end. Dr. Farooq was
brought back as the Chief Minister following an accord between Rajiv Gandhi
and Dr. Farooq Abdullah - the third between the Nehru dynasty and the Abdullahs.
The Congress (I) supported Dr. Farooq. The Legislative Assembly which had
been kept suspended, was dissolved and fresh elections were scheduled for
March 23, 1987.
the political parties, including a large number of political groups, were
suddenly activated. On one side there was the partnership and coalition
of the National Conference and the Congress (I) and on the other, a combination
of parties - such as the Jamaat-e-Islami, the Ummet e-Islamia led by Qazi
Nisar and other smaller groups - primarily united by the cementing force
of Islam. Maulvi Abbas Ansari was the convenor of this group, known as
the Muslim United Front (MUF). People's Conference of A.G. Lone and the
Awami Action Committee of Maulvi Farooq were also in the fray but they
had not joined the MUF. However, they subscribed to Islamic fundamentalism.
The parties in the MUF wanted to win the elections as a united group and,
therefore, they began electioneering with a joint manifesto and a common
election symbol. The approach of the MUF and its manifesto attracted a
lot of adherents and fellow travellers amongst Muslim leaders and intellectuals
in the Valley. The MUF ideology was discussed in every Muslim home and
the party stalwarts made it known that the MUF victory, in fact, was the
victory for Islam.
nook and corner was flooded with green flags of the MUF. The sight of the
crescent and the star on the green flags of the MUF made people literally
dance with joy. The people were told that with the victory of the MUF the
entire face of the State would change. There would be prosperity and abundance
of everything, including industries, jobs and work for all. The other promises
which made people fall instantly for the MUF, related to the eradication
of corruption, profiteering, hoarding and black-marketing. Those found
guilty of such nefarious acts would be dealt with severely. People sincerely
believed that this would happen because under Nizam-e-Mustafa (Islamic
rule) such guilty persons may lose their limbs as punishment. People were
indeed sick of these evils in society.
of fighting with the MUF politically, the National Conference-Congress
(I) combine resorted to the old game of rigging the elections. It was not
exposed that S. A. S. Geelani, a top leader of the MUF, had his son admitted
in MBBS course from the Chief Minister's quota and that the son of A. G.
Lone, another pro-secessionist leader, started a lucrative business at
New Delhi. Instead, the National Conference workers boasted that they would
win the elections anyhow, whether people voted for them or not. Dr. Farooq
was jittery from the very beginning.
the MUF won a few seats, particularly from the urban areas, there would
not have been a major change in Kashmiri politics. Even leaders of the
MUF expected to win not more than 10 seats. Rigging - that was the highlight
of the 1987 elections - agitated MUF workers. And more so with the inordinate
delay in the announcement of results of Amira Kadal, Shopian and Bijbehara
constituencies which eventually were bagged by the National Conference.
In some cases in Srinagar city, MUF workers, too, resorted to booth-capturing
MUF gained tremendous public sympathy for their cause - more than what
it could have achieved by winning a handful of legitimate seats.
a solitary exception of the 1977 Assembly elections, rigging punctuated
every election in the State, particularly the Valley. However, in 1987,
fundamentalists got an opportunity on a platter to whip up anti-Indian
feelings. Had the 1987 elections been fair, secessionists would have invented
another reason to advance their nefarious designs. The people surmised
that Rajiv Gandhi and Dr. Farooq deliberately took away their right to
vote and betrayed them by massive rigging. The MUF came in for favourable
mention in every home, in every office and in every lane and bylane of
Kashmir. People began to perceive bad administration, rigged elections,
etc. as a consequence of Kashmir's accession to India.
stage-managed defeat of some of the MUF candidates paved the way for onset
of terrorism in the Valley. Out of 76, the National Conference (Farooq)
won 36 seats, the Congress (I) in alliance with the National Conference
24, the MUF 4, the BJP 2 and Independents 4. Elections for three constituencies
were postponed. The situation continued to drift further as no effective
measures were taken.
his monthly report to the President of India for February 1989, Governor
Jagmohan, mentioned: "The call given by subversive elements for observing
January 26 as a Black Day was fully responded and the hartal (strike) was
total. The communal, parochial and subversive elements are becoming more
active and the administration is getting more isolated. Neither the National
Conference nor the Congress (I) is showing any inclination to face the
challenge at the political level. A large amount of arms and ammunition
brought from across the border has also yet to be recovered. The local
intelligence network, as reported earlier, is not proving equal to the
occasion. Moreover, the subversive elements enjoy overt as well as covert
support of a sizeable section of the politicians, particularly those belonging
to the Jamaat-e-Islami, the People's Conference, the People's League and
March,1989, Jagmohan, inter alia, recorded: "The gathering storm on the
political horizon of the State to which reference has been made in my earlier
reports has burst in the Valley. My worst apprehensions are coming true.
The situation is fast deteriorating. It has almost reached a point of no
return. During the period under report, there has been large-scale violence,
arson, firing, hartal, casualties and what not."
a letter to the Prime Minister next month, Jagmohan wrote; "The things
have truly fallen apart. Talking of the Irish crisis, British Prime Minister
Disraeli had once said, 'It is potatoes one day and the Pope next'. Similar
is the present position in Kashmir. Yesterday, it was 'Maqbool Butt'; today
it is 'Satanic Verses'; tomorrow it will be the 'repression day'; and day
after, it will be something else.
Chief Minister (Dr. Farooq) stands isolated. He has already fallen politically
as well as administratively; perhaps, only constitutional rites remain
to be performed. His clutches are too soiled and rickety to support him.
Personal aberrations have also eroded his public standing.
situation calls for effective intervention. Today may be timely; tomorrow
may be too late."
another letter to the Prime Minister in May, Jagmohan stated: "From May
8 to 13, there have been 14 bomb blasts and six cases of firing and cross-firing
(exchange of fire). Four persons died and about 20 were injured. A tourist
bus proceeding from Gulmarg to Srinagar was fired upon and four tourists
were injured. The current administrative and political structure has once
again proved unequal to the task. During the hartal period, no worthwhile
activity has been visible at the political front to counter the move of
subversionists is swelling their ranks, and the animosity is being diverted
against the Central authorities. I have indicated my anxiety to the Chief
his monthly report for May to the President of India, Jagmohan had, inter alia, indicated: "The youth is sullen and angry. It is taking refuge under
religion whose appeal helps it to gain sympathy and support of the common
folk. The main secessionist outfit, the J&K Liberation Front has already
announced setting up of ten hit squads. It has also claimed support of
the Islamic Jamhuri Itihad (IJI) of Pakistan. It has announced in a handout
that 'Al Jehad' hit squad will be headed by Javed Ahmed Mir, 'Humza' squad
by Abdul Ghaffar, 'Victory Commandos' by Muzaffar Shah, 'Aizaz Jan baz
Commando Force' by Ghulam Hasan Lone, 'Shaheed Zia Tigers' by Mohammad Asraf, 'Al Fateh squad' by Javed Ahmed,
'Sada-i-Janbaz' commando force
by Abdul Hamid, 'Al Maqbool' by Safed Rasool Aqadhan and 'Pak Commando'
force by Roofi Islam."
of curbing such anti-national activities, Dr. Farooq's Government, in an
attempt to buy peace with the subverters released as many as 70 hard-core
terrorists between July and December 1989. Here is the 'roll-call of honour'
in a few typical cases:
Afzal Sheikh, son of Khazar Mohammad, resident of Trehgam - a detenue under
the Public Safety Act. He crossed over to Pakistan clandestinely and, stayed
in the house of his brother-in-law, namely Ghulam Mohmmad Wani, settled
in Pak-occupied-Kashmir at Athmuqam. He went to Kachi Ghari, Peshawar,
Pakistan for training. In Muzaffarabad (PoK) he met Javed Maqbool Butt
and Showkat Maqbool Butt, sons of late Maqbool Butt with the help of Amanullah
Khan, chairman of the JKLF. He also came across Abdul Ahad Waza who is
one of the top leaders of the JKLF. He took an oath of allegiance at Muzaffarabad
and filled up a form in which he affixed a thumb impression with his blood.
He was responsible for causing two bomb blasts causing damages to buses.
His detention was confirmed by the Advisory Board, headed by the Chief
Justice of the J&K High Court.
Ayub Najar found with terrorists owing allegiance to the JKLF and other
PoK based organisations, had opened fire at Jama Masjid on August 25, 1989.
He was detained under the Public Safety Act. The Advisory Board confirmed
his detention. As a result of the meeting held on December 8, the date
on which Dr. Rubayya Sayeed was kidnapped, it was decided in the office
chamber of the then Agriculture Minister Mohammad Shafi (Uri) that the
detenus be released and accordingly he was released in December along with
45 other detenus.
persons were highly motivated terrorists and were trained in handling weapons
and ammunition; they had contacts at the highest level in PoK, and they
knew all the devious routes of going to and returning from Pakistan. Here
were the persons who had the practical experience of all aspects of terrorism
- training, border-crossing and smuggling weapons from Pakistan into Kashmir.
Their detention was approved by the three member Advisory Board, headed
by the Chief Justice of the J&K High Court. But yet, they were released
when terrorism in the State was attaining its peak. Was it not a conspiracy,
foolhardiness or a subtle way of keeping the feet in both the camps by
the then rulers? The net result is for every one to see - virtual rule
of the gun and gruesome killings of the innocents.
political developments in Kashmir in the post-Independence period bear
testimony to the fact that whenever the National Conference found its political
hold weakening due to the non-performance or misperformance, it always
adopted anti-Centre, pro-Pak or pro-independence stance. Even the all India
services were openly referred to as the East India Company by the National
fact, Dr. Farooq's Government had abdicated its responsibility much before
December 1989 and various terrorist outfits had taken control of the Valley.
None recall the funds, pumped in by the Centre to keep the people in the
State happy, while every failure was conveniently attributed to the Central
Government. Such accusations for all political ills in the State were not
always unfair as the Centre also lacked a consistent policy on Kashmir.
Moreover, the Centre under every Congress rule systematically liquidated
secular, democratic and progressive forces and individuals in the Valley.
The politicians in the State, irrespective of their hues, gathered an impression
over the years that New Delhi understands only two languages - the language
of violence and the language of pro-Pakistan demonstrations.
is recalled by observers that even Kashmiri Pandits had to raise 'hail
Pakistan' and 'Long live President Ayub' slogans in the mid-sixties during
the regime of G.M. Sadiq when their 25-day-long agitation on the 'abduction'
of Parmeshwari Handoo, a Kashmiri Pandit girl with a Muslim boy and her
conversion to Islam later, failed to evoke any response from the State
Government. Even the Station House Officer of the concerned police station
cared to meet the agitators only after pro-Pakistan slogans were raised
by them. Not only this but the then Union Home Minister Y.B. Chavan also
flew to Srinagar to take stock of the situation following this development.
every economic movement in the Valley during the last few years was conveniently
dubbed as anti-national by the successive State Government. Such an attitude
of the State, often endorsed by the Centre, increased the animosity of
the local population towards New Delhi. Instead of acting as a buffer between
the two extremes - the ruling minority and the hostile majority - the Centre
continued with its act of corrupting the local politicians or luring them
to join the ruling clique. But it is also a fact that secessionist forces
always used every agitation to advance their game. Even in the agitation
protesting the hike in the electricity tariff, led by the Congress (I),
slogans such as 'Hail Pakistan' were raised with impunity.
is indeed intriguing that when the State's administrative machinery had
come to a standstill, Dr. Farooq chose to be away on foreign jaunts. Equally
intriguing is the manner in which pistols and small arms, issued to the
National Conference workers found their way to terrorists.
the meantime, Jagmohan had relinquished charge as the Governor on July
12, 1989 following the completion of his five-year term. However, he was
recalled as Governor when the Union Government headed by V.P.Singh, rose
from its slumber in the wake of menacing threat from terrorists. He assumed
the second term on January 19, 1990 and was called back by the Centre on
May 26 following the assassination of Maulvi Farooq a few days earlier.
He was replaced by G. C. Saxena, a former police officer who was also called
back by the Centre in March 1993. But the situation remains far from normal
and the writ of terrorists continues to rule the State.
in tandem, the terrorist, fundamentalist and secessionist outfits are guided
by Zia's 'Operation Topac' for their strategy which in a nutshell is:
Spread fear and terror;
is also interesting to note that the Tashkent declaration following talks
between India and Pakistan in the presence of the USSR in the wake of 1965
Indo-Pak war over Kashmir suggested that the Kashmir dispute should be
put into cold storage. The armies of both the countries should withdraw
to the positions they had occupied before the crisis erupted in August
1965. The declaration was signed on January 10, 1966 and the withdrawal
of the armies behind the established international border and the 1949
Kashmir cease-fire line was implemented by late February.
Spread half-truths and falsehoods;
Demoralise political opponents;
Gain active support of Muslim personnel in police and bureaucracy in the
name of Islam and Jehad;
Suppress all dissent through threats, bomb blasts or shoot-outs;
Indulge in selective killings of non-Muslims and scare them away through
verbal or written warnings;
Indulge in arson, loot and destruction of liquor shops, bars, clubs, video
parlours, beauty parlours, etc. as all these are un-Islamic;
Ensure strict adherence to Islamic rules of conduct, for instance, purdah
in case of women;
Eliminate Indian intelligence personnel, particularly non-Muslims;
Burn down Government and private schools run by non-Muslims and promote
Do not allow any political activity except that which is sanctioned by
Take control of local mosques and mullahs;
Ambush and attack security forces;
Kidnap VIPs and their relatives;
Assassinate political enemies and deserters.
the Simla agreement, reached upon between India and Pakistan on July 2
in 1972 following the third Indo-Pak war over Kashmir in 1971, it was decided
that in Jammu & Kashmir the 'Line of Control resulting from the cease-fire
of December 17,1971 shall be respected by both sides without prejudice
to the recognized position of either side. Neither side shall seek to alter it
unilaterely, irrespective of mutual differences and legal interpretations.
Both sides further undertake to refrain from the threat or use of force
in violation of this line'. The new cease-fire line was later referred
to as the Line of Control (LOC) or the Line of Actual Control (LOAC). It,
in fact, became the de facto border between India and Pakistan.
the situation continued to drift further. Even a peep into the history
of the Valley shows that Kashmir always suffered on account of intrigues
by rulers, and their detractors as well.