Abode of Goddess Sharda At Shardi

Brigadier Rattan Kaul

I – Mother’s Grace {Mahima}, Sharda Mahatmaya And Grandeur

I dedicate this effort to Grace {Mahima} of Goddess Sharda for the benefit of my and Gen-X, who may not know much about Goddess Sharda and her implied benevolence to our Sharda Desh. This article is also a gift to Gen-X, like Naveen, who know more of our religion, culture and heritage than men of their age. Along with era scholars and personalities associated with Sharda Temple during various century’s, I have given brief details about them to make it more informative. Each part is self explanatory with notes to avoid reference to previous part.…Rattan.

The goddess is said to resemble a swan, carrying glittering gold washed from the sand of river Madhumati as her diadem{Madhumati River is considered sacred stream and gets mentioned in Nilmat Purana 1261sqq. However this stream is no other than Bandpore Nala {Marked Bodh Kul on the maps and falls into Wulor {Wular} lake near village of Kolus. This river gets mentioned in Rajtarangini Verse 1171 Book VII. However, River Madhumati of Sharda is different which is a small stream getting this name in later centuries. More on this aspect later}. Description of Goddess in our Sharda Vandana reads like this {Not in full}; Kashmir Purvasini, Vidhya Dieyinam Shawetambuj Viharinam, Chaturbuj Dharini… Shattantriveena Vadini… Mokshadayini, Papanashneemam … Vitasta Rupenam … Himachidit Girishshobinam … Kalashamrit Dharayae. Translated this means; Residing in Kashmir from ancient times..giver of knowledge.. seated on a white bird {Swan}..having four arms, carries hundred stringed veena.. giver of moksha and forgiver of sins.. just like with grace of Vitasta {Jhelum River}.. gracing a snow clad mountain..carrying a pot with holy nectar. In South India, where worship of Sharda is equally high, Goddess Sharda represents matrix of the universe displaying in her hands; jar full of nectar, book signifying learning, rosary signifying subtle nuances of universe, source of Upanishadic knowledge and three Shakti’s {Trimurtis} known as Saraswati, Lakshmi and Iswari. The number of pilgrims to Sharda was ever increasing during the rule of Hindu Kings, who maintained temple in a spick-and-span condition. With advent of Islam {1320 AD}, it lost royal patronage but flow of pilgrims was reasonable even during Sultan and Chak rule {15^th and16th Century}. Fortunately destructive hands of Sikandar Butshikan did not reach the shrine, because of its location, where perhaps his writ did not run. It was politically disturbed conditions during Mughal and Pathan rule in Upper Kishanganga Valley that had much to do with the neglect into which the shrine had fallen. Things marginally improved during Dogra rule, however, with 1947 War and subsequent ceasefire, Shardi remained on the other side of LOC, in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir. Even today orthodox Brahmin’s in South India, on rising from his bed in the morning, faces north and with folded hands offers salutations to Goddess Sharda; ‘Namaste Sarada Devi, Kashmira Mandala Vasini (Salutations to Goddess Sarada who resides in Kashmir’. In Kashmir the hymn to Sharda is; ‘Sharda Varda Devi Mookshidata Saraswati, Sharneyetrambike Gauri Narayani…Namostute, Namastasyey, Namastaseyey, Namastaseyey, Nammo Namaha’.

Sharda Mahatmaya. Mahatmaya’s are scriptures pertaining to various pilgrimages. 51 Mahatmaya’s existed or have been traced in Kashmir. Most of these have been extracted from Purana’s but many are of medieval period more so pertaining to those shrines which came up during middle of first millennium BC and later. Sharda Mahatmaya, a similar scripture, narrates tirtha as seen by Muni Shandalya {Gotra of Kashmiri’s ie Bhatt, Bakhshi, Nari is named after Sage Shandalya}. In order to see Goddess Sharda, Muni Shandalya is advised to proceed to jungles of Syamala {Possibly Kupwara District). There at Ghusa {Ghushi} Mahadevi {Sharda} appears and promises to show herself in her true form as Shakti in the Sharda Van {Mahadevi - Consort of Shiva; Parvati or Uma, also called Kali, Durga. Religious scholars, historians {not all} refer Mahadevi as one form of Parvati, Lakshmi and Saraswati. This form of address, Mahadevi, is more common in Shavitic variant and that too in South}.The Goddess vanishes from this sight at Hayasrama {The present village of Hayahom; Northeast of Ghushi}. The Muni then proceeds to a spring known as Krishna Nag {Marked as Mari Nag {Point 3601 Metres} on the maps, in which he bathes and his body becomes golden; representing symbolic liberation from darkness. This spring situated above the village of Dranga, close to Hayahom {Many chronicles claim that Dranga mentioned is situated at the foot of a hill and still bears that name and its location is in the foothills of mountain-ridge known as Kakudar (Kashmiri); a corrupt form of KaraKuta Dhara above Tosa Maidan of present day {Tausi the plain of Tohi as known in Poonch and Persian Maidan; thus Tosa Maidan}, which was a watch station also called Surapura where Utpala meets death {Verses 140, 1352 Book VII Rajtarangin} along the Pir Panchal Range in those days. Authors who refer it to Dranga of Sharda Mahatmaya may be because of similarity of names; both are widely separated. Actually it is called Sona-Drang after word ‘Swararnardhanguka’; Swarn meaning gold and anguka body; apparent reference to Shandalya’s body becoming golden}. Muni Shandalya then ascends the mountain range to the North and sees dance of Goddess in a mountain meadow, known as Rangavatika {Rangwar Forest, which lies below the pass; Rangwar Gali. Exact location of Rangvatika remains unknown} through which route leads across Shamsabari Range towards Kishanganga. He then arrives at Tejavana {Possibly present day Tejjan a small jungle close to Dudnial, the residence of Sage Gautama {Kashmiri Gotras are also named after Gautama; notably Parimu, Kak, Razdan, Fehrist} on the banks of Kishanganga. The sage {Muni Shandalya} after crossing hill sees God Ganesh on the East {The mountain behind the temple and Sirhasila has resemblance to Lord Ganesha’s head and trunk. Sirhasila means the rock of the head; Sirah – head; sila{shila}- rock. Sirhasila Fort/Castle seems to have got name from Sharda Peak in the Mahatmaya } and arrives in the Sharda Van {The pine clad forest North of the temple}. After reciting a hymn in praise of her triple form of Sharda, Narda or Saraswati and Vaghdevi, goddess revealed herself to the Muni at the ‘sacred spot’ {Reference is to the place where shrine existed and temple was constructed later. Legend says that SHE disappears inside a spring {Kund}, now inside the Sanctum Sanctorum now covered by a stone slab and invites him to her residence at Sirhasila. It is said that Pitras then approached Muni Shandalya and requested him to perform their Shrada’s. On his taking water from the ‘Maha Sindhu’ for the purpose of the Tarpana {Giving water to the dead}, half of its water turns into honey and forms the stream now known as Madhumati. It is said that bath and Shrada’s {Rites associated with dead} at Sharda Sangam {What is meant here is confluence of Madhumati and Kishanganga Rivers of Sharda} assures remission of sins. Actually Sindhu Ganga or Maha Sindhu eminates from Dras and is mentioned in Nilmat Purana {vv297sqq}. This river is called lower Sindh and finally joins Vitasta {Jhelum. Geographically Sindhu {Indus}, Maha Sindhu and Sharda are far apart. In Mahatmaya the reference is to Kishanganga River and Madhumati, a stream next o the temple. More on this aspect later in the article. This custom of shrada adopted for this temple pilgrimage is not religiously connected with the Goddess of learning and fine arts; Sharda. Specific places for such rites for the dead have been designated in different parts of the valley; Shopian, Mattan, Shadipur, Jawalajee {Khrew}, Khonmukh, Gangabal etc. Most probable reason for this could be that Pitra Paksh {Annual fortnight for Shradha’s for dead ancestors starts just seven days after the designated day of pilgrimage and by that time they may not have returned to their homes. Sharda Vandana {Hymn} also attributes Mokshadayini and Papnashneemam {Giving freedom to soul and forgive sins} which may have also been reason for including tarpan rites as part of the pilgrimage.

Aryan Saraswats are reported to have settled nearly 5058 years back in the valley {In Kashmir three era’s were dated; Sapatrishi the oldest and current year is 5058; Vikrimi Savant is 56 years older than Christian era i.e 2058 this year {2002 AD}. Sakka Samvat was also in vogue but is younger than Christian era and not in use now {For details read articles by Shri C L Nagri, which appeared in Koshur Samachar last year}. Goddesses they worshipped initially were the trinty of Laxmi, Parvati and Saraswati. Manifestation of Goddess in the shape of Sharda, as goddess of learning would have been subsequent {Mahadevi in the form as Shakti, as given in Mahatmaya}. A broad spectrum would thus indicate Sharda Mahatmaya accountrefers to ‘already manifested form of Goddess Sharda’; between 2500 BC and 1000 BC, the period when Gotra’s and Vaishnavite  Brahmanism took strong roots after absorbing local rituals and worship of Goddesse’s in other forms, other than the trinty, started. Sharda Mahtmaya infers Sharda Goddess had already manifested in the valley before existence of Sage Gautama and Muni Shandalya {Founders of their respective gotra’s. Originally only six gotras existed including Dattatreya and Bharadwaja. Sage Gautama is in the next enlarged Gotra’s and finds mention in post Mahabarata era. Muni Shandalya is supposed to be post Gautama, but closer to the era of Gautama. Apparently Sage Gautama would have had Goddess’s darshan earlier and established his ashram, close to the place of worship of the Goddess}. There are certain indications from Sharda Mahatmaya; it confirms that temple had not been constructed by then. Peculiar names of places like Hayasrama, Syamala have been used {Few place names, features given in the account can be identified today} but others like Tejavana etc are more scholarly names. Hymn recited by the muni generally indicates

composition era of Sharda Mahatmaya between 9^th and 13^th Century AD, when most of religious accounts, philosophies, scriptures started taking shape in the valley and many scholars from outside, with fresh strong Shaivite inclination of the South, visited the valley. A further confirmation of the era is visualisation of Sharda in the form of Mahadevi {Form of Shakti}; this manifestation is associated with 12^th and 13^th Century AD, when Kashmir had come under the influence of Shakatmata. Kalhan’s reference to sacred river Madhumati {Near Bandipore} and not Madhumati of Sharda Shrine also gives indication of the vintage of Sharda Mahatmaya to the later era. Scriptures and chronicles indicate Shakatmata influence started during King Harsha’s rule {1089-1101 AD}{Not to be mistaken with King Harshavardhan}. Is it that the author, a Shaivite to the core, wanted to project Sharda in the role of Mahadevi {Shakti} as per his own beliefs? Or was it another step to give impetus to ‘Dualistic’ Shaivism in the vallley or bring it at par with similar belief of the Goddess Sharda in South? The needle of authorship of Sharda Mahatmaya points towards Madhvacharya {Madhavacharaya {1199-1276 AD}; Vidyaranya after becoming an ascetic. Disciple of Sri Vidyateertha (1247 - 1297 A.D}, 51^st Acharya of Kamakothi Peeth. If he is the author then it could have well been composed in the later half of 12^th Century; possibly when he had become ascetic and wanted account to remain anonymous. There are, however, certain other points which need to be noted; account of the places traversed by Muni Shandalya are generalised and not specific, Shandalya is post Gautama and could not have met him at Tejavana; is Sharda Mahatmaya just referring to his residence; Tejavana after Gautama. These sanskritised names, with a tinge of Southern bias, are somewhat new to Kashmiri vocabulary. However, Kalhan’s account in Rajtarangini justsays; ‘where a huge temple complex came up’ but does not give detailed account of the shrine/ temple like Sirhasila { This account is pre Madhavacharaya by about fifty years plus}. This becomes all the more interesting that had Sharda Mahatmaya been available during Kalhan’s time, he may possibly have dwelled on it in more detail, including the temple. Or is there any other reason for him to refrain from such mention?. It is also apparent that description of various landmarks is that of the ones closer to the valley like Madhumati {Bandapur Nala}, Maha Sindhu {Lower Sindh} and its equivalent names have been created for this Mahatmaya. Kalhan also refers to Sindhu Ganga and Madhumati but these are different from Kishanganga and Madhumati of Sharda. 

Grandeur of The Temple. The temple is approached from West by an imposing stone staircase from the direction of Sirhasila Castle/Fort, now nearly decayed, which leads up in 63 steps to the main entrance of the quadrangular court enclosing the temple. The stairs are about 9/10 feet wide and rise rather steeply in six flights between two flanking walls of massive row of parapet coping {Balustrade}, now in ruins. The view from the staircase is magnificent; you can see the valleys of Madhumati, Kishanganga gorge and also their Sangam. The quadrangular court, enclosing the temple, is an accurately oriented oblong. 142 feet long and 94 feet 6 inches wide, having proportion of 3:2 and is enclosed by a massive wall, six feet thick and eleven feet high from the level of the court to the projecting rim at the foot of the coping. The later rises in pyramidal form to a height of eight feet above the top of the wall, giving it a look like a fortress wall. From outside, the walls appear massive and imposing, as they are raised on basement walls to equalise different elevations of the ground. The entrance to the central court is through a gate with a double porch of Kashmiri design {When referred as Kashmiri design, it connotes design as found in other temple structures of mediaeval period}. This gate occupies middle of the west face, in line with the porch, leading to the sanctum sanctorum. The other three walls have blank archway, standing to height of about 20 feet from the base to the apex. In the centre of the Northern wall is a small recess 3 feet 3 inches square, containing two ancient lingas, which opens by a terafoil arched door towards the interior of the court {In earlier accounts there is no mention of existence of these lingas}.  

Sanctum Sanctorum. In the centre of the quadrangle is the temple raised on a basement of 24 feet square and 5 feet 3 inches high and is perfectly plane. The entrance to inner temple is from the west side and is approached by a flight of a few stairs, five and a half feet wide with flanking side walls. The cell of the main temple is 22 feet square. On each side of the porch way are two square pillars about 16 feet high and two feet six inches apart. The capital of both the pillars seem to have been hewn from a single stone {This aspect is very important, as similar evidence can be found in temples constructed between 9^th and 13^th Centuries AD}. The interior of the inner temple is a square of 12 feet and 3 inches and it has no decoration of any kind; perfectly plane and scarcely any traces of the usual pyramidal stone roof. The only conspicuous object inside is a large slab, which measures about 6 by 7 feet with a thickness of about half a foot. This slab is believed to cover a kund or spring, from which Goddess Sharda appeared to the Sage Shandalya. This kund is the object of special veneration of the pilgrims. In our Kashmiri religious philosophy Kund's hold special reverence; like Kheer Bhawani, Devi Bal, Bhairav Temple Maisuma, Nandkeshwar Temple Seer {Sopore} and many more. As a young boy I slipped in Shah-e-Hamdan Mosque and saw, from a distance, enclosure covering the kund in the centre of the mosque. I believe this kund was venerated before Shah-e-Hamdan mosque came up.  As the conditions deteriorated during medeival era and thereafter around Sharda, a kund in the village of Tsatsa, 6-7 kilometres from the North edge of Dal Lake West of Burzhom Village} was named Shardakund and venerated at par with Sharda kund. Some chronicles mention presence of an idol of Sharda made of wood inside the temple. From Jonaraja's account of Zain-ul-Abidin’s visit, it appears that the idol was there; “appearance of sweat on the face of the image of the goddess, shaking of the arm, and sensation of heat on touching the feet”. Bilhana, Al- Biruni {Both 11^th Century AD}, Kalhan{ 12^th Century AD} do not mention about this idol or two lingas but accounts of Jonaraja {15^th Century AD} and Abul Fazl {16^th Century}do mention this. This indicates that the idol and lingas had been installed somewhere after 12^th Century {Kalhan} but before15^th Century AD {Jonaraja}; possibly before Muslim rule in 14^th Century firmed in. Such installation of idols or lingas takes place at the time of Kumbhabishekam {Consecration} of a newly constructed or extensively renovated temple. The other factor is that representation of Gods and Goddess’s in those days used to be of stone, not in man made form, which stood vagaries of weather and time; which is not so for wooden idols. The stone slab was venerated as the form of the Goddess and no need was felt for an idol. In any case, during the medieval age, no firm shape was given to Gods and Goddess’s and generally they were formless and if an idol was installed it would have been a temporary measure. It may be that custom of a wooden idol being installed, from year to year, by craftsmen, may have been adopted; Goddess Sharda being the deity for learning and fine crafts. Similar installation of Vishwa Karma, Durga or Ganesha idols on Vishwa Karma, Puja or Ganesh Chaturthi festivals respectively, has been followed throughout India. It, however, may not be an old custom but possibly imported in later centuries. A brief and latest account of the Temple comes from Justice S N Katju, who visited Sharda Temple  in the summer of 1935. He narrates; ‘ The shrine is located on a hilltop like the shrine of Jwalaji. The steps leading to the top of the hill appeared to be twisted as if an earthquake had battered them. The question as to when did the University township cease to exist requires investigation’. The question remains, if when and where!
 

Sri Chakra Inscription at Sharda Temple Sanctum Sanctorum. We are told of Sri Chakra inscriptions on the stone slab covering the kund at Sharda and Shankaracharaya {Called hereafter Adi-Shankara} having taken it from Sharda to other places in India for installation. In Sri Chakra form the Goddess, as Shakti {Power}, is depicted in the form of a diagram representing a Chakra {Circular wheel of life; as understood philosophically}. It originates from one central basic point that represents the core of the whole cosmos; 3 circles around it and 4 gates to enter, with 43 triangles shaping the corners of the Sri Chakra depicting the form of Mahadevi. Sharika, the 'Cosmic Mother - Sri Chakra’ is worshipped at Hari Parbat in the cosmic form of Divine Mother. It is engraved on a green, circular shaped stone of Sapphire. This diagram is also known as Matra Chakra, established here by King Pravar Sena at the end of the 6th century AD. Bhawani Sahasranama lucidly explains this cosmic form of divine mother. Descriptions in Sharda Mahatmaya; by Al-Biruni, Kalhan, Jonaraja describing Zain-ul-Abidin’s visit, accounts of Abul Fazl’s and MA Stein {1892} do not mention inscription of Sri Chakra on the slab covering kund. Admittedly Vermilon and Ghee used to be pasted on this venerated slab, but these could not have fully covered engravings, if they existed. Chronicles only mention presence of an idol of Sharda {of wood ?}; confirmed by Jonaraja's account {Zain-ul-Abidin’s visit in 1422 AD}. He talks of ; “ appearance of sweat on the face of the image of the goddess, shaking of the arm, and sensation of heat on touching the feet ”. Similarly Abul Fazl {16^th Century} writes; “On every eighth tithi {Ashtami} of the bright moon, it begins to shake and produces the most extraordinary effect”.There is similarity in both accounts as far as extraordinary effects were observed, a phenomenon, which takes places when a worshipper, with full faith, goes to a shrine.

Sri Chakra form of Mother Goddess, in her form of Shakti, is associated with Chakrashwari and newly constructed Sharda Temple at Gushi. There is no mention of her being seated on the core of a Chakra. As per our religious scriptures this form is cosmic yoga of the Goddess, tantric in nature, which is adopted while fighting evil. In another dhyan of Sharika, she is shown as having eighteen arms; do they also symbolise the aspects of Kali with 10 arms and Lakshmi and Saraswati having 4 arms each, of unity in Her? The principal Kuladevis of the Kashmiri Brahmins are Ragnya, Sharika, Jwala, and Tripursundari {All forms of Mahadevi}, if Sharda was also to be Mahadevi, definitely she would have also been a Kuldevi. The Shrines of both Sharika and Jwala do not contain any murtis but are cosmic Shilas {Rocks}, which are not man made. That is the difference with Sharda or Vaghdevi or Saraswati. The name of Saraswati {Vagheswari, Vaghdevi} consort of Brahma is not much talked about in other manifestations of the trinty. In Shaivism the manifestations of Shiva and Shiva’s consort {Parvati or Uma also called Kali, Durga, Mahadevi} are the prime objects of worship.  There is no reason for Sharda to dharan this form; for in her image she represents Goddess of Learning and Fine Arts; also amplified by Sharda Vandana, eloborated earlier in this article. A careful study and understanding of Tripursundari, Raghnya, Sharika and Jwala Satotram’s {Sholaks in praise of these Goddesse’s} adequately define their role’s as Shakti, unlike in the case of Sharda. Every aspect of Shakti {Mahadevi} form of Goddess has Her corresponding Bhairava and both are worshipped together. Ragnya's Bhairava is Bhuteshwar, Sharika'sBhairava is Vemdeva, Jwala's Bhairava is Mahadeva and Tripurasundari'sBhairava is Karneshwar. Similarly Shaiva's cannot ignore the consort of Shiva, the Devi and Shaiva and Shakta Upasana cannot be separated. This is not so in the case of Sharda; only one idol has been noted inside the Sanctum Sanctorum. Two lingas in the recess in the Northern wall do not indicate presence of Bhairava, as rightful place for Her Bhairava would have been alongside; no Bhairava is known for Sharda. The ritual of marking a Sri Chakra, by priests, with lime or white powder or Vermilion is not new and this is what would have been happening in recent centuries and may have been introduced by Kashmiri Pandits, who were back to the valley, carrying certain rituals from plains of India; possibly after 15^th Century {Badshah’s visit} or during Moghul rule {16^th and 17^th Century}. Abul Fazl’s account, by reading between the lines, when he describes ‘stone temple called Sharda, dedicated to Durga’ is not indicator of any such markings; possibly due to misidentification. 

Narda Linkage To Temple Construction. There are few facts, which remain to be unraveled as far as Sharda is concerned. First; reasons for another name of Narda, which is used apart from Sharda. Hymn to Sharda refers as ‘Sharda Varda Devi’ and Sharda Vandana does not include Narda address but this is mentioned when Muni Shandalya recites hymn in praise of her triple form; ‘Sharda, Narda or Saraswati and Vaghdevi’ {Sharda Mahatmaya}. Second, all places of worship of Kashmiri’s are within the valley; enclosed within mountain ranges of Pir Panchal, Shamsabari and lower ranges of Great Himalayan Range. At best we have Gangabal, Amarkanth {Amarnath} and Bhedagiri on the inward periphery of these ranges, but none across. This must be viewed in the context of majority, nearly 98 percent, of then Kashmiri’s living within the valley. Thirdly, construction era and person {King, Feudal Chief, Religious Head, Group etc} who may have been instrumental in construction of the temple remains unknown. It is all the more intriguing when Sharda lends her name to this Desh, proudly talked of from centuries. Kalhan talks of siege of Sirhasila {Sirhala} Castle {Rajtarangini}, which took place in his own time {12^th Century} but is silent on details of Sharda . His statement is loaded with some indications by using words ‘where a huge temple complex came up’, not exists; using this expression with siege without giving reasons or any more details of the shrine. This siege took place in 12^th Century, when Jaisimha (1128-55 AD) was the King; who repaired, restored many temples and shrines and laid numerous other pious foundations including at Narannag {Wangat}. If it was constructed during his time, why his name is not mentioned, though he does figures closely in other facet of Sharda; the language/ lipi {More of it later}? Did it remain un-linked to him, as his other temples? Jaisimha's early days were critical, because of the preceding civil wars and political unrest. Sirhasila Castle siege indicates the area around Sharda Shrine to be part of then Kingdom, under the fiefdom of a local revolting feudal chief, who had to be reigned-in. From 958 AD {First Lohara Dynasty} till 1150 AD and even beyond, Hindu Shahi’s reigned in Kabul, while Hindu Kings including Didda ruled in Kashmir. Both these Kingdoms were contiguous with good relations; exchange of expertise, culture, religion, matrimonial relations and same language {Upbrahmbasha} and also shared Sharda lipi {In fact first artifacts in under-development Sharda lipi were found in the areas of Hindu Shahi’s of Kabul}. Let us go back to history of one group of Saraswat Aryans having strayed North of the valley, who had identical beliefs, rituals as that of the group who came directly to valley {The lost tribe of Jews is not being referred here}. A variant of Upbrambasha, slightly influenced by the Northwestern Upbramhbasha, was common in this area as well and the country{s} was called Darda or Drava. The spill over of changes in religion and beliefs from the valley covered this area as well. Dards have a long history; Ptolemy in his book 'Almagast' has used the word Daradrai for Dards of the Western Himalayas. Before embracing Islam, they were the followers of Buddhism and Hinduism. At present their major concentration lies in Dardistan (Dardesa); the area to the North of Kashmir Valley, especially Neelam Valley; Shardi {Chilas, Naili, Neelam}, Upper Kishanganga {Kel, Seri} and Gurez and Tilel Valley. The valley of Kishanganga, part of a feudatory state, was also known as Drava derived from Duranda {Corrupted name of a local feudal lord} as per Kalhana and mentions that title of ‘Shahi’ was that of Dard and Kabul rulers. The tract of land known as Keran and Karnaha {Karnah} bordering Kishanganga Valley, though under local rule, was known to have paid tribute to Kashmir Kings. Even Lohara Dynasty who are believed to be from the areas of Poonch, could have had influence in this area, as Poonch was easily connected to areas West of Pir Panchal and Shamsabari Range. All these factors may indicate Narda as another name for Sharda in that part of the country {in Darda}. Sharda Narda form of combined address being used in Sharda Mahatmaya reinforces this point; as the shrine lay beyond geographical and contolled territory limits of Kashmir valley and Narda being local form of address of the Goddess. Close similarity of phonetics of Sharda-Narda, in the respective variants of Upbrahmbasha, could be another reason of association. It is also certain that the people and material {Stones etc} for the construction came from close by area; rock examination points clearly to quarries of Ganesh Ghati along the mountain spur called Sharda Peak. In our history only works of Kings and Scholars have been chronicled and many works/constructions undertaken by local warlords/feudal lords or chieftain’s remain obscure; this has also been so with our great Chronicler Kalhan. It may be that King Jaisimha had to undertake reining in of this feudal lord of the area as its control was necessary since visitors from outside to the shrine first reached his court and the shrine was out of his jurisdiction. The architecture of Kapteshwar temple, located above the village of Kother {3 Kilometres from Achabal} resembles that of Sharda temple; simple architecture and absence of any decoration; giving impression of King Mutskund {1040-1060 AD- also called Mucukund} being the builder of Sharda temple as well. He being an outsider could not have done so and that too so far away from Kapteshwar Temple. Rajatarangini identifies Mutskund, a Gauda warrior from Bengal, during reign of King Ananta (1028-1063 AD) who built Kapteshwar Temple. This king cursed with a pair of buffalo's ears, anxious to rid himself of this deformity, learnt about powers of Kapteshwar Spring. The King took a dip in the spring and got rid of his cursed ears. In gratitude, Mutskund built the temple. Kapteshwar is also mentioned in Nilmat Purana, when sage Bhadravasa narrates its Mahatmaya {Grace} to King Gonanda I {Pre Mahabarata}; associating it with form of Shiva as a wooden log. Someway Mutskund has found way in Kashmiri way of taunt; Mushtand word commonly used for hefty/ugly specimen, in disdain. It may be that the design of this temple could have been taken back home by one of the pilgrims. In all probability, nearing certainty, the temple of Sharda in the form described, was constructed in 12^th Century {Somewhere after mid Century} during the reign of Jaisimha; by a warlord of the Kishanganga Valley, a strong devotee of Sharda, whose ancestors too were Saraswat Brahmins and in fact de-facto Kashmiri Pandit. Though Sharda temple like Shankaracharaya Temple {Gopadiri}, Chakreshwari, Jwala temples is on a hill, its stairs, flanking walls, massive row of parapet coping indicates enormous effort to cater for vagaries of adverse weather and snow conditions and not really of great architecture design. This will also answer the question as to the simple but massive architecture of the temple, unlike temples, which had royal patronage; like Sun Temple at Martand, Shankar Varman’s temples at Pattan and many others. 

Authorship of Sharda Mahatmaya remains unknown, but we find some indication of Madhavacharya, a staunch devotee of Adi-Shankara, being the author. Madhavacharya is attributed with many scholarly works, longer stay in the valley and his life period {1199-1276} coinciding with the period of probable temple construction {not manifestation of Goddess}. He is known to have moved around the valley, North of the valley as well and such works of poetic imagination, evident from various landmarks used, can safely be attributed to him. There is, however, no record of his visiting Sharda Shrine. It also looks certain that Madavacharya wrote Sharda Mahatmaya after becoming an ascetic, taking the name of Vidhyaranya, kept the work anonymous, as per unwritten customs of ascetics. The hymn used in the Mahatmaya {Sharda, Narda or Saraswati, Vaghdevi} is in accordance with the hymn in praise of Sharda in the South except that the local variant name Narda has been added; another strong pointing needle to his authorship; who found it necessary to include local form of address as well. 
 

II- Historical Evaluation, Shakti Roop, Lore And Pilgrimage Routes

Shaivism. Shri Vasugupta {Around last part of 8^th Century}, founder of Shaiva philosophy and of Shivmat in Kashmir} found seventy-seven terse sutras etched on stone near Mahadev Peak, as revealed to him in a dream, which he named the Shiv Sutras. On this scriptural foundation arose the school known as Kashmir Shaivism, Northern Shaivism Trikashasana {Trika System}. Kashmir Shaivism, reached its peak in 10th to 11^th Century AD and continued to be so till advent of Muslim rule; when it could just maintain its philosophy, could not prolifer and conversions took away big chunk of its followers in the valley. It may of interest to our readers that ancestors of many of the scholars who gained prominence in Kashmir between 8^th to 12^th Century’s came from plains with then ruling kings; like Vasugupta, Abhinav Gupta. 

Buddhist Monuments. There are well-chronicled descriptions of Buddhists monuments established in the valley from 300 BC onwards. Neither Sharda Shrine nor any area closer to Sharda/Shardi figures in these. Some of these Buddhist monuments, which are generally talked about are; Kanishka’s city Kanishkapur known as Kanispur {Baramulla]; 3^rd Century Hushkapura {Harwan – Srinagar}; Pandrethan near Srinagar. Vihars; Jalora Vihara {Zainageer Sopore}; Stupa’s in Budgam; Parihaspora, Anderkut, Ahen {Sumbal} and Raithan. 

Historical Evaluation. Analysis of above periods leads to certain inferences with regard to Goddess Sharda and spot of her abode. First, around Sapatrishi Samvat 500 {2500 BC} crystalisation in the faith would have taken place for Goddess Sharda to manifest in Kashmir; 500 years {3000 to 2500 BC} were adequate for firming in of faith and manifestations of other forms. This period also generally tally’s with similar phenomenon in India; notably South. Some estimates are of 3000 BC, coinciding with entry of early settlers into the valley, is too early for manifestation of other forms {Roops} of Goddess’s. Next two thousand years must have seen settlement, development, deep rooting and spread of religious faith with evolutionary refinements during next few centuries; say up to 250 BC. At this time Buddhism started taking roots and attention would have been suddenly diverted to this new religion. Unlike Islam, Buddhists did not forcibly convert existing places of Brahmanical worship into Vihar’s or Mutt’s, but their interest in existing shrines was insignificant. The shrine where Sharda manifested in Kashmir {assuming that it was the first spot} would have remained in that form, with certain neglect, up to around 700 AD; end of Buddhist period. Unlike Hindu rulers who maintained Buddhist Vihar’s, there is no account of any of Buddhist Kings building temple’s for Hindu’s, also Sharda or close by locations do not figure in Buddhists scriptures and accounts. During this period Sharda shrine must have remained isolated, except that Bauddh’s may have continued to pass through this area being on the gateway to Dardistan, Central Asia, Afghanistan, Ladakh and China {via Karakoram Pass} and was not under presence or influence of Buddhists. It is no longer possible to trace with certainty, dating of structures, temples based on ancient Hindu architecture in the valley which owed their existence to Lalitaditya Muktapida {697 AD to 733 AD}. In any case if it had been constructed during his time it would have found specific mention in Sharda Mahatamaya or in chronicles of Kalhan, Al-Biruni, Bilhan, Jonaraja and Abul Fazl. The important phase of Kashmir Brahminism came during the period 880 AD and 1320 AD, when prominent Hindu Kings {Avantivarman 855-883 AD, founder of the Utpala dynasty; Shankara Varman 883-902 A D; Kalsa 1063-1089 AD; Harsha 1089-1101 AD; Jaisimha -1128-55AD}and many more ruled the valley. It is during this period that Brahminism got impetus; construction of temples on new architectural designs and styles, modifications, improvements and renovations to existing ones took place; historians and chroniclers like Kalhan, Al-Biruni, Bilhan and Jonaraja recorded events for posterity and foundation of religious philosophy laid including composition of scores of scriptures by various scholars {Vasugupta, Kayyatacharya, Somananda contemporary of Vasugupta (850-900 AD), Muktaka Natha Swamin, Shiva Swamin, Ananda Vardhana and Kallata; great Shaiva philosophers  Bhatta Kallata, Bhatta Pradyumna and Abhinava Gupta, staunch worshippers of Sakhti; Pradyumana Bhatta, Utpalacharya, Rama Kantha, Prajnarjuna Lachaman Gupta and Mahadeva Bhatta and many others who made colossal contributions to Shaivite thought during 9^th and 10^th Century’s}. This is also the period when Sharda, as language, had started taking definite regional shape and many religious scriptures, poems, bhajans, hymns were composed in praise of God and Goddess’s. Two identical pillars, possibly hewn from one stone, gate of Kashmiri design definitely points to an era, when other temples were constructed with similar or close resemblance to the pillars. Generally this period gets identified with 12^th Century {After Kalhan}, or 13^th Century {Before Jonaraja}; possibly during 12^th {King Jaisimha's (1128-55) during his rule of 27 years repaired, restored many temples and shrines and laid numerous other foundations. Unfortunately they have not got prominence in various chronicles, even Kalhan concentrates on past than on the ones of Jaisimha’s period. Surprisingly he {Kalhan} talks of Sirhasila Castle siege but not in detail of Sharda Temple. Subsequent period from Rinchen /Muslim rule {1318/1338 to 1810 AD} would not have seen much changes or improvements of the shrine, except  that during Zain-ul-Abidin {1420-1474 AD} and later Moghul rule {1586- 1753 AD}. These two date blocks are important, in that many Pandits who had left the valley returned during these periods and certain amount of revival did take place. These Pandits, influenced by rituals and  Vishnu  theology, during their settlement outside Kashmir, brought vigour, imagination and refinement to the rituals and religion in their ancestral home. Their efforts were significant during the reign of Badshah and Akbar, but survival, preservation of culture and religion took priority during hostile environment in later period. During Afghan rule {1753-1819} things were no better, in spite of Madhurmilans {Prime Minister’s} being Pandits; like Kailash Dhar, who had survival, hostility, intrigue and nepotism to cope with. 

Thus Goddess Sharda must have manifested in the valley around Sapatrishi Samvat 500 {2500 BC} and it is around this time that her shrine was established, where various sages including Gautama, Shandalya were privileged to have her darshan. Somewhere in 12^th Century the temple was constructed over the shrine, when idol of the Goddess and two lingas must have also been installed. The two lingas, in all probability, are in the form of pindi’s {Natural small rock formations depicting some aakar {Shape}, depicting Goddess with her consort}. Lingas would have been installed at the time of Kumbhabishekam {Consecration}, as recess in the Northern wall of the temple would have been made, most probably, during temple construction.  

Ram And Krishna Lore. There are scores of accounts and lore’s associated with Lord Ram and Lord Krishna, with specific reference to Sharda Temple. However, we must carefully assess visits of various Avtars to this tirathsthan with authentic details and try not to attribute existence of this tirath to anyone other than original preceptor. Any deviation is likely to contradict past history of Kashmiri civilisation and Pandits. It also overshadows the truth and over a period of time originality of a fact is lost. It is a common feature to name places after God’s, Goddess’s and Avatars and then these places invariably get closely associated with them with lore’s. There is no scriptural, historical or archeological indication of Lord Rama having been to our valley. Saraswat Aryans settled in Kashmir just post Mahabarta. Lord Ram’s {Ramayana is pre Mahabarata by about a millenium} birthplace and life was around Ajodhya {Ayodhya} in UP and areas in MP. For this reason and peculiar transition of our religious theology in earlier centuries, Lord Ram does not figure much in our worship, temples, stotras and bhajans. This is evident from the fact that there is hardly any temple of that period exclusively dedicated to Lord Ram in the valley. Some of the ones constructed in his or his other name Raghunath, are during the last few centuries. Irrespective of this, many places, men or women get associated with name of Ram or Sita like Ram Kund, Sita Kund or Ram Van {Ramban}, Ram Ganga; even though not remotely connected with Lord Ram. Some places at Lidderwan {Ludderwan, See map }, have similarly got names like Ram Takht, Ram and Sita Kund and Sita Choka {Chula}. Lidderwan falls close to the route of pilgrimage to Sharda from the valley. Many pilgrims taking this route were learned Brahmin’s from plains, who had influence of Lord Ram and Ramayana and these names would have been given by these pilgrims. Similarly there is place called Raja Ram Di Lari, a rugged mountain top and close by few mountain outcrops called Raja Ramun Lariyan, all East of Kralpura, just on route to Sharda. Raja Ram Di Lari is not in Kashmiri or Sharda but is Takari {Dogri} origin. If one had interacted with local old people, as I did few decades back, it would have been clear that the rugged mountaintop was named after a local chieftain of this name. One is not sure if the same Chieftain is associated with Sharda temple construction or was he the chieftain who had to be reined-in at Sirhasila. 

Lord Krishna’s association with Sharda temple is also talked about; Krishna Nag {Mari Nag near Drang}, his stay in the area of Raja Ramun Lariyan; Kishanganga being renamed after him or wandering Pandava’s having cut a big stone for bridging Kazinag Nallah called Pandav Pull; these stones are reported to be lying in a close by forest. Or Pandava’s living in Tad, Prad villages and finally Krishna having visited Pandava’s at Village Helmat {All in Karnah of Tangdhar Tehsil}. Geographically areas other than Krishna Nag and Raja Ramun Lariyan lie on the route from Muzzafarabad and same reasoning of attribution as in the case of Lord Ram holds good. Krishna’s and lives of Pandava’s revolves around Brijbhumi {Vrindavan, Mathura, Western UP and present day Haryana}. Even for them, bestowed with super powers that be, they had neither the time nor cause to visit these parts of the valley. I recall old temples near Pattan called as Pandav Lari {Buildings of Pandav’s} but constructed by Shankara Varman (Uptala Dynasty; during 883-902 AD} and had nothing to do with Pandavas. The only specific mention of Krishna in our chronicles is when Kalhana describes installation of Queen Yasomati on the throne of Kashmir {Not dated} as the guardian of her son King Gonanda II by Lord Krishna. This should not be construed with physical visit of Lord Krishna to Sharda or areas close by. Absence of any significant temple of Krishna during medieval age is also a pointer.

Sindhu Ganga, Kishanganga,, Madhumati and Saraswati. Sharda tirtha sounds incomplete without the mention of three rivers deeply connected with it. They are Kishanganga, Madhumati and Saraswati. Present day Kishanganga is referred as Maha Sindhu in Mahatmaya. Actual Sindhu or Indus emanates from Tibet, crosses Ladakh Range, flows through Sakardu and Chilas {South of Gilgit} and any mention of Indus or Sindhu from the valley had to be with reference to any important landmarks close by in the valley and these were Gangabal {Harmukh} and Wullar Lake. Nilamat Purana, however, mentions Sindhu Ganga {Verse vv 297sqq }thus ; ‘Ganga Sindhu tu vijneya Vitasta Yamuna tatha’. Harmukhganga and Nandishetra Mahatmaya’s, scriptures pertaining to Gangabal and Nandishetra { Nandishetra is generally area snow clad mountains of Dras, Amarkanth, Baltal; basically associated as abode of Shiva in these mountains} repectively. Kalhan pays tribute Nandishetra in Verse 36 Book I Rajtarangini as thus; ‘ There even to this day drops of sandal ointment offered by the Gods are to be seen at Nandishetra , the residence of Shiva’. In Harmukhganga Mahatmaya , the stream flowing towards Narannag {Called Nund Kol}is referred as Sindhu Ganga, which joins Lower Sindh near Kangan. In Nandishetra Mahatmaya lower Sindh, emanating from Baltal area, is referred as Sindhu Ganga. Since Sindhu was referred North of these landmarks, the first such river in the region in that direction got referred to as Sindhu. The prefix of Maha has come to it because of the gorges and steep banks, which gives look of a big and swift {Maha} river. The snow-capped mountain peaks around the Valley and the river always-evoked image of Shiva with Ganga coming out of His locks. Many of the rivers / rivulets all over India are named with prefix or suffix of Ganga like Dudh Ganga etc. Early chroniclers noticed traces of gold like particles being found in the river, which applies to Kishanganga too; coming through mountain region known as auriferous {Such rivers have shinning particles like Gold of sand or clay. This is more so in case of upper reaches of Indus {Sindh}, Lower Sindh and other similar rivulets and streams in the region}. Surprisingly this is also the case in the case of upper reaches of actual Ganga and another reason for Ganga suffix. This period of naming can be dated back to around 800s, when Acharya Vasugupta {Founder of Shivmat in the valley} was living on Mahadeva {Mahadev Peak} near Srinagar. Tradition states that one night Lord Shiva appeared in a dream and told him of the whereabouts of a great scripture carved on a rock. Upon awakening, Vasugupta rushed to the spot and found seventy-seven terse sutras etched in stone, which he named the Shiva Sutras. Secondly, Kishanganga starts from area between Dras and Gurez, just immediate North of Gangabal. Northern tributaries of Harmukh watershed {Gangabal} form Kishanganga.Archeological finds on the Southern side of Gangabal {Wangat, Narannag {Sodaratirath}}date back to first millennium and hence confirms this naming around 800 AD  Kalhan mentions the name of Kishanganga River at many places and it can be assumed that the naming of this river is pre 11^th Century. Sharda Temple, when seen from Shamsabari Range, has Sharda and Narda Peaks immediately behind while temple is on the lower slopes of these twin-peaks. Two prominent and significant mountain streams flow in this area, on either flank. The one to the West of the temple ridge, generally emanates from Sharda Peak. This stream fits in with the description given as Madhumati in Sharda Mahatmaya. Al-Biruni, Jonaraja's accounts do not mention Madhumati by this name; it is Abul Fazl, the author of Ain-e-Akbari, who refers to Madhumati by name apart from Sharda Mahatmaya. Naming of the stream as Madhumati would have thus been somewhere between later part of 15th and 16th Century; adequate for Al- Biruni and Jonaraja not to mention it, but finding mention in Abul Fazl’s account. The reason for other chroniclers not referring or associating this Madhumati stream with Sharda pilgrimage is due to the reason that actual Madhumati River, a sacred river in the valley {Bandpore Nala: Bod Kol}was nowhere close to Sharda. It is also apparent that this name has been created to have a similar sacred stream next to Sharda pilgrim centre. The other rivulet, East of the temple, emanates from Narda Peak and finally all three join at a place referred as Sharda Sangam. In many chronicles this rivulet is referred as Kalnotri; along with Saraswati. There is no mention of Kalnotri in Sharda Mahatmaya; name alien to the valley but not in Central Himalayan area {Uttranchal}; like Gangotri, Yamnotri. This name is linked with someone who must have been adherent of Shaivism, conversant with Central Himalayan region tiraths {Badrinath, Kedarnath } and then Sharda. All indicators thus generally refer to era between that of Adi- Shankara’s followers {11^th Century} and Pravachandara compositions {13^th Century} which finds mention of these names. Around 13^th Century seems to be more appropriate as Al-Biruni does not mention of any of these rivers. Kalnotri name also did not remain for long; Zain-ul-Abidin and Abul Fazal visit accounts also does not mention Saraswati River, though Madhumati is talked about. In both cases of visits, eminent Kashmiri Saraswat Brahmin Scholars, would have accompanied them. There may have been some of those, whose or whose ancestor’s settlements in plains may have had been in areas closer to legendary mythical Saraswati River, bringing Saraswati name to the River closer to their new place; somewhere between 15^th and 16^th Century {Sharda Mahatmaya also does not mention this name}. Appropriately the name fitted well with Sharda; Saraswati being other form of the Goddess. 

Single account of association of Lord Krishna with the valley is well chronicled, but no significant Radha Krishna temple existed anywhere in Kashmir in early days, even though  Nilamat Purana  describes the Janam Ashtami festival in Verses 716 to 722. Similar to renaming of Saraswati, prefix of Kishna can be traced to around Vasugupta’s time, by then religious scholars would have found the flow actual route of Sindhu {Indus} and that these rivers were not connected with actual Sindhu {Indus}. Ganga remained common suffix, Sindhu Ganga the sacred river mentioned in Nimat Purana existed , actual Sindhu far away and thus to have Kishanganga; albeit Ganga next to Sharda. Reason of Kishan prefix may be that since Nilmat Purana quotes Sindhu Ganga as the sacred river, once this river was found, Kishan was one of the Avtars quoted therin and lend its name. One might get surprised on the nuances and phonetics of Kishanganga and Krishanganga {If it was to be named after Lord Krishna}. With the development of Sharda Language and Script,  subtle changes in intonations and phonetics peculiar to Kashmiri’s pronunciation of ‘Krishen’ would have become ‘Kishan’. Remember as to how Lord Krishna was pronounced, in Kashmiri; Kishna Bagwan or Krishan’s being called as Kishan and Krishna as Kishni}. Thus three rivers associated with Sharda got named to Kishanganga, Madhumati and Saraswati. We find all these names familiar; Madhumati River existed {Near Bandapore}, Saraswati other name of the Goddess and Ganga now in the form of Kishanganga; all making a Sangam next to a pilgrimage centre. This also indicates, with other events , that Sharda pilgrimage took deeper roots around end of first millennium and effort was to concentrate all the ingredients of a tirath at one place. From the trail of events, religious developments and peculiarities it is between 13^th and 16^th Century when Madhumati and Saraswati names came about; may not be in one go but generally during this period. 

Pilgrimage Later Centuries. Older and our generation do not know much about the places and pilgrimage routes to Sharda, as mentioned in many chronicles. Basically it is because of cicumastances, lack of detailed, connected and accurate description of the places. Many accounts route it via or combine it with Gangabal. Pilgrims avoided difficult gorge route described in Sharda Mahatmaya and while selecting routes our ancestors kept some basics in view. These were; beaten tracks allowing use of ponies/horses, halts so planned that movement in a day was from one to another villages having Pandit community for night halts and finally took routes which led to existing crossings over River Kishanganga. Karnah and Drava, though in the domain of rulers of Kashmir Valley were avoided, being away from the main routes and as Bomba’s, inhabitants of these places, were inimical to the people of the valley. These hillmen, in connivance with Dards made frequent raids, robbed pilgrims and even as late as 1846 AD raided Srinagar. Conditions improved just a bit during Sikh rule. It is evident that during long period of anarchy, in last few centuries, pilgrimage to the shrine was less attractive for peaceful Brahmins of Kashmir. {I have the privilege of being amongst very few of my generation, to have walked every foot of the area; Gangabal area, Shamsabari Range, Kazinag to Kishanganga, just opposite Sharda. It was constraints of LOC, which precluded foray across}. Herewith routes and modus operandi of the yatra, used during last few centuries, with Srinagar as focal point, have been described for posterity. Graphic account of these routes and yatra by two noted Pandit’s of our community, who undertook frequent pilgrimages to Sharda in mid nineteen century {Somewhere between 1820 – 1850 AD}, has trickled down through few generations. The first one was Kashmir's Philosopher, Historian, Writer, Artist and Intellectual Pandit Bhawani Koul {Approximately 1780 –1850 AD} of Gulshan {Hariparbat/Rainawari/Ram Kaul Mandir}. Second, Pandit Harjoo Fehrist {Approximately 1800- 1850 AD} of Budhgair {Near Kawdore}; a staunch believer in vedic rituals, who got drowned in Kishanganga while returning from Sharda pilgrimage. It is interesting to note that both these personalities were Banumassis, whose ancestors had returned during the reign of Badshah and again during Moghul period from areas closer to the mythical Saraswati River Banks and thus their spiritual connection to Sharda and Saraswati.
 

• Few months before the Sharda Ashtami, word went round about the basic planning of the yatra; dates and places for assembling were tentatively fixed and passed on. Places for assembling were; Devi Angan {Srinagar} for areas around and South of Srinagar; Sumbal and then Bandapur {Bandipur} for those in Northeast of Srinagar; Sopore/Bumai for those closer to Wullar/Sopore; Handwara for those from Baramulla /Handwara side. Bumai /Saadamalyun for those South of Kupwara. Tikar {Tikri}, Kupwara, Sogam{Lolab Valley} were also selected for assembling points. Approximate dates of arrival of yatra jatha at these places were also given and generally became places for night halts. Most of these places had important places of worship, small tiraths close to them, which were also briefly visited as part of yatra.
• Preparation would start immediately after Janam Ashtami and yatris would assemble at Devi Angan two or three days prior to Bhadrapada Amavasa {Amavasa{Full dark night} was considered inauspicious to start the yatra. Also journey to Sharda would take eight to nine days, on foot}. On the designated day the caravan would move after early obeisance at Chakrishwar. The column used to be self contained in all respects with hired people for protection, guards of noblemen, younger ones carrying lathis and volunteers for cooking {I refrain to specifically to call them anything other than volunteers}. Generally at each halt the villagers looked after them. As the caravan moved towards the destination, strength swelled as yatris joined from different areas enroute.
• Columns taking different routes ultimately concentrated at Gushi {Gusha} on 3^rdtithi of Shudi Bhadrapada. On 4^th Shudi of Bhadarpada they bathed in the rivulet which comes from Drang, instead of its source, when special holiness accumulates at the tirtha. They then visited walnut tree grove, on the banks of Kamil River, named Rangawar {Substitute for Rangavatika}. Next day they moved towards Kishanganga River over Pharkian Gali {See Map}.
• A parallel route, used by those from Lolab Valley, crosses over Burhom, Machel {Both North of Lolab Valley} and meets main route East of Tejavana{Tejjan}; the route thereafter is common. This route was not taken by many as they would miss bathing at Gushi and visit to Rangwar {Rangavatika}; considered part of the pilgrimage.
• People from plains, outside the valley, similarly moved via Muzzafarabad over Kafir Khan Range at Reshian Gali, cross Kazinag Nar at Karnah and cross over to other side of Kishanganaga near Karnah over the existing crossing place or move along the southern banks of Kishanganga river and join main route at Dudnial. The distance from Karnah to Shadi is over 50 kilometres. 
• By the end of the day {6^th Shudi} they reach general area of Tejavana {On the northern slopes of the hill range, presumed to be the ashram of Gautama during Muni Shandalya’s pilgrimage to Sharda}. A night halt, recitation of various satotras in praise of God and Goddesse’s in their various manifestations would end the day. On the 7^th Shudi they cross Kishanganga, move eastwards along the beaten track along Northern banks of Kishanganga and reach Sharda tirath by end of the day. Next day 8^th Shudi of Bhadrapada also called Sharda Ashtami as well as Ganga Ashtami {In plains of Northern India this day is called Radha Ashtmi}, darshan after bath, prayers, various rituals, etc followed by Shradha performed on the banks of Madhumati. An evening in the meditation around the temple rounded up the day.
• Early next day, obeisance at the temple, return journey along same route would start and caravan strength would decrease at each night halt, when pilgrims detached enroute to return to their village’s. 
• During the reign of Hindu kings, such caravans used to be patronised by noblemen, visitors, scholars and protected by armed soldiers of that time. Even food and comforts were provided under the Kings decree. Chroniclers record such an arrangement during the reign of Zain-ul-Abidin {Who too had visited the shrine} and Akbar {His chronicler Abul Fazl also visited the shrine}. During Muslim rule and later Afghan rule, number of pilgrims reduced and not many known organised caravans except few during the tenure of Pandit Madhurmilans of Afghan rule. Not much happened or improved during Sikh rule and it is only after establishment of Dogra rule and the peaceful settlement of the Upper Kishanganga Valley that pilgrimage became once more open for regular visits. This is the time Pandit’s Harjoo Fehrist and Bhawani Kaul made many visits to the shrine. In case of Bhawani Kaul, he is reported to have accompanied Dogra King Gulab Singh for the pilgrimage, being a scholar of his regime. 
• Narration’s say that the pilgrimage ended at Devi Angan again after obeisance to Chakrashwari.

Goddess Sharda’s temple is located next to village Sharda, quite close to Sirhasila Castle and just across the rivulet next to the temple. The village seems to have come up for those who did not find place in the castle but were closely associated with it; workers , guards etc. Once the temnple was constructed it must have been appropriately named after the Goddess. However the nuances of ‘Shardi’ can be traced to minor variation in the basha of the area as prevalent at that time and spoken by the people of the area. This is more towards the basha spoken in Dardesa{Dards}and further indication of the facts of the temple construction, as enumerated abobe. 

 Sharda Temple Connection to Buddhism and Karnah Artifcats. Traces of civilisation and settlements have been excavated at a small hamlet Dildar {Karnah - Tanghdhar}, which consists of Lance, Maze, Swords, stone pickaxe dating 3000 years. A Buddha statute is reported to have been found in the area. These artifacts, local name of Mai Sharda, ruins of a fort have been associated with Sharda temple, Sharda Peeth {Taken as University} and inadvertently associated with Buddhism also. These relics, crude as they are, are connected with Naga’s civilisation but cannot be associated with Aryan settlers who had by that time moved beyond these primitive artifacts. These are also too earlier than Buddhists era, given their equal progress and abhorring weapons. Given the topography of the area, inhospitable terrain and weather conditions, it is more prudent to limit that Saraswat Aryan had mostly settled in the valley portion, Naga settlements and a stray group of Aryans continued in Kishanganga Valley. It may be that Buddha statute or relics found at Karnah, in all probability, being that of Buddhists staging camp while moving to Afghanistan and Dardistan. These relics cannot be exclusively connected to Sharda temple of that period. Attributing location of Sharda Peeth at this location, during Buddhist era in Kashmir, is out of question, as earliest records in under development Sharda script have been dated to about 800 AD over Northwest India {including Kashmir}. The language during Buddhism in Kashmir was Brahmi; only around 9^th Century AD Upbramasha took shape, changed during 10^th to gave rise to Siddha-Matrika and subsequently to Sharda. Karnah relics, Sharda Temple or Sharda Peeth do not find any mention in Buddhist scriptures, well chronicled travelogues of Buddhist scholars or visitors and Buddhist monuments of that period. The architectural design and construction of the temple, as discussed, precludes any Buddhist influence or hand in it. Even if they had, definitely it may have been named of Sharda Vihara.

III - Sharda Script, Myths, Adi - Shankara And Sharda Peeth

As per records of Acharya’s of the medieval age of Kamakothi {Kanchi} mutt, the name of Abhinava Sankara ;  a disciple of Sri Vidyaghana {37^thAcharya}, who became 38^thAcharaya of Kamakothi {Kanchi} stands preeminent and his deeds are compared to that of Great Adi Shankaracharaya; hereafter he is called Adi-Shankara. Some refer to him as Adi Shankaracharaya; though none of the mutts call / called their Acharaya’s with prefix of the ‘founder’s prefix Adi’ .  As per succession records of the mutt, he is believed to have attained samadhi in Himalaya’s in 840 AD after 30 years of achararyaship .  Notwithstanding various records of all the mutts, extensive research indicates Adi-Shankara was born in May/June 805 AD {Lunar month of Vaishakha, 26th year of the sixty year cycle} and attained samadhi in the month of Dec/Jan 837 AD {Vaishaakha or Pausha of 58th year of the sixty year cycle}. Surprisingly the name of his father and mother, place of birth and various events in his life are same as in the case of Great Adi Shankaracharaya. In all probability this era, religious works of Adi-Shankara, who became a monk at the age of eight {Commentary on Brahmasutra, Bhagvad Gita, Upanishhads etc } fit into the personality of Abhinava Sankara, who as per records, as 38^th Acharaya took name of Dhir-Shankarendra Saraswati. Many scholars and researchers are of the view that Adi- Shankara of 8^th/9^th Century is actual Great Adi Shankaracharaya. Government of India celebrated 1200^th anniversary of Adi- Shankara's birth in 1988 indicating his birth in 788 AD. This in a way confirms AD status of Adi Shankaracharaya. However, all the mutts have lineage and succession charts from 5^th Century BC, even Kamakothi {Kanchi} Mutt to which Abhinava Sankara belonged, dates lineage chart to 5^th Century BC. If one ponders; both are Acharaya’s, their name Sankara, therefore in both cases they are Sankara – Acharaya. None of the other Acharaya’s of any of these peeth’s had Shankaracharaya name, which remained restricted to these two only. Strange, though all the mutts talk of Great Adi Shankaracharaya, none of them other than Kamakothi {Kanchi} mutt talk much of Adi Shankara. Even in their case the references are guarded; all this to maintain antiquity of Shankaracharaya to BC era. Scholars have valid reasons for their dissent and most important of all that Gautam Budha {May 623 – 547 BC} and Great Adi Shankaracharaya {509/514 – 516 BC} were around in the same era and operative in common areas. Gautam Buddha preceded and spread Buddhism, its spread would have been checked when Great Adi Shankaracharaya was operative and Hinduism revived. Facts, however, indicate Buddhism flourished till as late as 6/7^th Century and it is after the revival efforts of Adi-Shankara {8^th/9^th Century} Hinduism bounced back. None of the five mutts accept existence of Abhinava Sankara as Adi-Shankara or as Shankaracharaya of 8^th/9^th Century .  One can even notice this ambiguity in our Kashmir chronicles also; Rajataragini says that the Kashmiri King Gopaditya founded agraharas {jagirs}and built temples of Jyestheswara and Shankaracharya; ‘ Having founded Jyestheswara on the Gopa Hill, the Brahmans born in the land of ‘Aryans’ were induced to accept Gopa Agraharas {jagirs}by that pious King{Verse 341 Book I Rajataragini}. This King is given date of 417-357 BC. Another account says; ‘Gopadri {Gopadiri Tirath} became known as Shankaracharya after the visit in the 8th Century AD of ‘Adi Shankaracharya’ to Kashmir, when both Gopadri Hill and the Jyeshtheshwar temple {Present day Shankaracharaya Temple and Zethyer shrine} on it were given the new name in his honour’. Surely Kalhan would have mentioned this in his Rajataragini instead of referring it to King Gopaditya . 

Shankaracharaya word is not new to Kashmir, which seems to have been used for defining even Acharaya’s of the mutts; it may also be of interest for us to know that two Acharaya’s of Kamakothi {Kanchi} are credited to be from Kashmir; Sureswaracharya 2^ndAcharaya {Samadhi in 407 B.C}; Sadasiva 17^th Acharya {Samadhi in 375 AD}. Also Ujvala Tapati 16^th Acahraya is credited to have attained samadhi in Kashmir in 367 AD .  Another famous Acharya of the Kamakothi {Kanchi} Peeth was the 47^th Sri Chandracuda Sarasvati (1098 -1166 AD). This Acharaya was held in great esteem by our scholars such as Mankha {Srikanthacharita composed between 1135 to 1145 A. D}, Jayadeva {Prasanna Raghava, Chandraaloka and Bhakti Kalpa-Latika}. Jaisimha, then ruler of Kashmir, was a staunch devotee of this Acharya, who too {47^th Acharaya} is referred as Shankaracharaya .  He traveled widely all over the country, possibly including Kashmir. Kalhan was also around at this time and wrote Rajtarangini but there is no mention. This period of 47^th Acharaya fits in well, when Madhavacharaya {1199-1276}, who came to Kashmir nearly a century later, would have known of his visit, in detail.  

 Adi-Shankara’s Visit: Facts and Fiction. As per one account of his visit; ‘after he sat on the holy stone slab at the temple {Sharda}, it gave him vision to compose Saundriya Lahiri in praise of Goddess Divine Mother {Shakti}; considered excellent piece of poetic devotion after Panchastavi’. Further, ‘he adopted Sri Chakra as reverence to Goddess Sharda and was conferred honour of Sharda Peeth’. Some accounts give to understand that he ascended Temporal or Pontifical Seat at Sharda Temple and / or Sharda Peeth {Referred by some as university} during his visit to Sharda Mai {Little known area near Karnah is referred as ‘Sharda Mai’ and being stated as the location of the Sharda Peeth}. Account of his visit has been composed by Madavacharya {1199-1276}, an erudite scholar, who after becoming ascetic is referred by the name of Vidhyaranya. His account was subsequently, apparently, suitably versioned by followers of Shankaracharaya ,  who had returned back to Kashmir in the later part of the 15^th Century during Zain-ul-Abidin reign. While in plains they had become Shankaracharaya devotee’s and generally followed Shankaradivijya; extensive poetic work on Adi-Shankara, composed by Madavacharya in 13^th Century, five Centuries after Adi-Shankara. It may be of interest that during this Century {13^th} Islam had taken roots, in pockets, in South and Khilji Armies were active for conversion to Islam. Many of then Hindu scholars of South could not continue their religious inclinations and found Kashmir an ideal place and was one of the reasons of extra ordinary number of scholars of Shaivistic order, visiting Kashmir during this period; even staying back for longer duration or till they attained samadhi. He {Madavacharya} did not adhere to his religious activities as given in Sankaravi Jaya-Kavya {Composed by Anantanandagiri; 10^th Century AD} but adopted tradition of writing flourishing accounts based on Puranic mythology authors, poetic imagination, personal devotion containing stories and events, which in most of cases had no reality. His description of Sharda temple is also believed to be similar, interspersed with ground landmarks, duly assisted by our own little known scholars of that period. These scholars, who gave this touch to his imaginative and expressive works, were also devoted to Abhinav Gupta {933-1015 AD}, a shaivistic scholar of highest degree. His ancestor Atri Gupta, a scholarly Brahmin, was brought by Laltaditya {697 AD to 733 AD} to Kashmir with him. One of the best authorities on Shaiva philosophy and various branches of Sanskrit literature e.g. rhetoric and poetic; he wrote some forty works, including Tantraloka {Light on Tantra} a comprehensive text on Agamic Shaiva philosophy and ritual. Abhinav Gupta's literary period extended from 990-1O15 AD. Some of his other works are:  Para - Trimshika Vivarna, Prataybhijna Vimarshini {expurgated} ,  Pratyabhijna Vivriti Vimarshini  {full}, Tantrasara, Parmarthasara and Commentary on Bhagvadgita called Gitartha-Sangraha. It was Abhinav Gupta whose brilliant and encyclopedic works established Kashmir Shaivism as an important philosophical school and after completing his last work on the Pratyabhijna system, entered the Bhairava cave near Mangam with 1200 disciples never to be seen again. The legend of his entering the cave, never to return has been immortalised in a folk verse in Kashmiri; “Bahshat Chaat Heth Su Bal Bramchari… Sari Heth Khot Shivlokas… Yete Khot Deh Heth… Kus Deh Dari… Abhinav Gupta Acharaya Zan”. Translated; ‘ With his 1200 disciples this Brahmchari went to Shivlok with all of them in mortal form, who dares such a miracle. Remember only Acharaya Abhinav Gupta could do it’.  

Sharda Peeth Honours. Sharda or Sharda Peeth word or institutions are not new to Hinduism in India; followers of Great Adi Shankaracharaya {Adi-Shankara} started these institutions, which exist even today and are flourishing. Called Sharda Peetham’s or Mutts or Peetham’s of respective order etc, but Sharda is supreme in these institutions. In their religious philosphy; ‘Sarada is Guru Rupini; she is of the form of the guru. Through the person of the Jagadguru {Shankaracharya who occupies Sarvajna Pitha or the Pontifical seat} she dispenses her grace’. The legends says; ‘Great Adi Shankaracharaya {Adi-Shankara?} reached Sringeri in Karnataka, on the banks of Tungabadra River. While Sri Sankara and Mandala Mishra {Another scholar} were walking, Sarasawani {wife of Mishra} did not move and stood fixed in the sands of Tungabadra River. Great Adi Shankaracharaya {Adi-Shankara?} turned back and realised by h